Murders in Dallas: Police Violence, Hatred for Police

Three incidents in three days, the images as of late resembling scenes from a country in the midst of a civil war. During a demonstration in Dallas, snipers struck down 11 police officers and killed five of them. Mass panic broke out. The day before, a live Facebook video spread, bearing witness to how a black man was shot during a traffic stop; he bled to death in front of the eyes of a million-strong public. And a few hours before this, a video documented how an African-American man, already lying on the ground, was killed by a police officer with a shot to the head.

These images are symbolic for the now decades-old conflict in the U.S. The social problem of racism is mixing with violence by and against the police.

We in Europe watch with incomprehension as police officers repeatedly exacerbate apparent trivialities, ensuring headlines. The roots of this conflict lie in the extremely lax weapons laws. Due to these ever loosening regulations, police officers in the United States, in contrast with police in Europe, must always assume their opponents have a firearm.

In the last six years, an average of 150 police officers were killed per year nationwide. The fact that this number is still relatively low is explained by police training. There, recruits learn officer safety is the chief priority. To ensure police safety, officers are permitted not only to shoot quickly, but also to aim directly at the upper body, instead of at the legs.

The law protects this behavior. In a fundamental ruling, the Supreme Court declared the use of extraordinary force is justified when it seems appropriate, by the judgment of a “reasonably prudent officer at the site of action.” Mitigating guilt, the court’s logic includes the fact that officers often must decide on a justifiable reaction within seconds and in difficult circumstances. This is reason state attorneys seldom bring charges against police officers, and why courts hardly ever convict officers for the use of such force.

This problematic image of police combines with the social challenges of racism on a daily basis, especially with African-Americans. Official statistics on the percentage of those killed by police violence who are black do not exist. Investigations from The Washington Post show, however, that of the approximately 1,000 people shot by police in 2015, half were white and 25 percent were black; African-Americans make up barely one-eighth of the population in the United States.

Blacks are also subject to harassment on a daily basis. Philandro Castile, shot in his car on Wednesday, was stopped by the police some 32 times in recent years for trifles like a missing muffler, among other reasons. Black parents must teach their children how they should behave when the police discriminate against them.

This feeling of arbitrariness toward blacks foments hatred against the police. Social networks then act as a catalyst. These networks document and generalize the individual cases for millions and show the conflict with all its hatred. However, the most recent ambush in Dallas stands out from the daily conflict; it is unique because of its planning and lethal nature. In contrast to the peaceful demonstrators, the snipers saw themselves as part of a veritable civil war. For this type of violence, there is no justification, as was stated by President Obama.

The good news is that since the Baltimore riots of 2015, something has actually started to happen. Police training is focused more on de-escalation. Politicians recognize the problem of racism as well. Nevertheless, the Gordian knot of police violence and hatred for police will not be undone that quickly.