Tsai Ing-wen May Be Turning into Trump, but Chiu Kuo-cheng Will Have a Hard Time Playing Milley

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 2 November 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Pinyu Hwang. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
Our reporters at UDN recently uncovered the shocking news that roiled between the U.S., China and Taiwan from September of last year to this January. The key point is this: Before losing office, former President Donald Trump staged frequent military exercises in the South China Sea and verbally provoked the Chinese Communist Party in order to increase his popularity. After Trump lost, he used Taiwan as a lever, sending U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Kelly Craft to Taiwan among others to provoke a response from Beijing. Consequently, U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Mark Milley twice called Li Zuocheng, chief of the Joint Staff Department of the Central Military Commission of the Chinese Communist Party, to assure him that the United States had no intention of going to war with China.

Imagine how dangerous the situation must have been for the military chief of the provoking party to send a secret message to the general of his opponent to assure him that he was not trying to start a war. And if the CCP had not believed Milley's assurances, or if it had taken undue action in response to Trump's constant provocation, then, in a situation that could easily have spiraled out of control, wouldn't Taiwan be at the forefront of this rivalry between the U.S. and China? What is alarming is that we have always treated tensions in the Taiwan Strait as a cross-strait matter, but in the context of the U.S.-China confrontation, Taiwan has become a pawn or bait to be used by the two powers. Judging from Milley's two secret messages, I am afraid that we must rethink our position.

During the Trump presidency, there were two critical moments in the U.S.-China confrontation: one before and one after the U.S. election last year. At the time of the presidential election on Nov. 3, the polls did not favor Trump's reelection, but Trump remained confident, and the Democratic Progressive Party also bet on Trump's winning a second term. Twelve days before the election, the United States, Japan and Australia held their fifth joint military exercise in the South China Sea, and there were even rumors of using drones to attack Chinese Communist facilities on the islands there. At the time, there was talk of an "October Surprise" in the U.S., mainly because Trump was trying to boost his own popularity by heightening the tensions between the U.S. and China. In response, the CCP intensified its interference with Taiwan by military aircraft, and intruded into our southwest air defense identification zone, prompting Milley's messages to Li on Oct. 30.

The second critical moment in the U.S.-China standoff was the disgrace to American democracy brought about by Trump's supporters when they stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6 after the fiasco of the vote recounts confirmed Trump's loss. Trump still refused to stop, as Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced on Jan. 8 that Ambassador Craft would visit Taiwan on Jan. 13, and the next day announced the lifting of restrictions on U.S.-Taiwan relations. All these actions infuriated the CCP, and the CCP army's Eastern Theater immediately began combat training. The key point is that Trump would be leaving office on Jan. 19. If he intended to be friendly to Taiwan and enhance the relationship between the U.S. and Taiwan, why did he wait until a few days before stepping down to do so? Very clearly, he was treating Taiwan not only as a pawn, but as a pawn that could be sacrificed at his convenience.

Trump sent Craft to Taiwan for two reasons: first, to divert global attention from his supporters who were storming the Capitol, and second, to use his remaining time in office to cover up the humiliation of his loss. Interestingly, on the same day that Pompeo announced Craft's visit to Taiwan, Milley called Li for the second time to tell him that Craft would not visit Taiwan. On the same day, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi spoke with Milley, worried that Trump could allow nuclear missiles to be "accidentally launched." Milley assured her that he had taken "precautions."

Following a book by Washington Post reporters these events, Milley came under a lot of pressure, and Trump went so far as to accuse him of treason. But if one thinks about it closely enough, was it Trump, arrogant and fickle, who betrayed the people's trust; or was it Milley, prudent and loyal to his country, who failed to take into account the interests of the country? Judging from the election results, the American people's answer should be clear!

In recent years, the Tsai government has relied on the ostensible support of the United States, disregarding Taiwan's security and autonomy, and cooperating again and again with the United States' script, overstepping its responsibilities to protect the country. Trump did not care that he angered the CCP because his nation is far from the front lines of battle. However, President Tsai Ing-wen is willing to put Taiwan in the line of fire while falsely calling it an "alliance of values." In a recent interview with CNN, Tsai also deliberately exaggerated the presence of "U.S. troops in Taiwan," showing how much she has become Trumpified. In the end, she had to rely on Minister of National Defense Chiu Kuo-cheng to clarify that it was "assisted training" and not a permanent corps of troops.

For the sake of the election, Tsai can put on a performance with Trump's brand of passion; however, can we expect Chiu to play Milley's role?


本報近日還原了去年九月至今年一月美中台間的驚濤駭浪。主軸是,美國前總統川普在失去政權前,頻頻舉行南海軍演並向中共言語挑釁,以拉抬聲勢;在敗選成定局後,則利用台灣為槓桿,要派出駐聯合國大使克拉夫特等人來台訪問,導致北京激烈反應。為此,美國參謀長聯席會議主席密利兩度致電中共中央軍委會聯合參謀部參謀長李作成,保證美國「沒有向中國開戰的意圖」。

試想,情況要多麼險峻,才會讓挑釁一方的軍事首長密電對手國將領,保證自己不會開戰?而如果中共不相信密利的保證,或因川普的不斷刺激而採取了不當行動;那麼,在可能失控的情勢下,台灣不會因美中角力而淪為戰事最前線嗎?值得警惕的是,我們一直以為台海緊張只事關兩岸對峙,但在美中對峙的大形勢下,台灣不過是被兩強使用的替代棋子或誘餌罷了。從密利的兩通密電看,這恐怕是我們必須重新認清的定位。

川普任內,美中對峙的兩個嚴峻時刻,一在去年美國大選前,一在大選後。美大選在十一月三日,當時美國民調雖不看好川普連任,但川普自信滿滿,民進黨也一直押寶川普連任。選前十二天,美日澳在南海舉行第五度聯合軍演,甚至傳出要以無人機攻擊中共在南海島礁設施。當時,美國「十月驚奇」的傳聞連連,主要就是川普要藉繃緊美中關係為自己拉抬聲勢。為此,中共則加劇軍機擾台,入侵我西南防空識別區。因此,才有十月卅日密利致電李作成的演出。

美中對峙的第二個險峻時刻,是川普在計票紛擾已證明頹勢難挽時,其支持群眾在一月六日闖入國會滋擾,讓美國民主政治蒙羞。但川普仍不罷休,其國務卿龐培歐在八日宣布駐聯合國大使克拉夫特十三日訪台,次日又宣布解除美台交往限制。這些舉動,都嚴重激怒中共,共軍東部戰區隨即展開實戰化訓練。關鍵就在,川普在當月十九日就要交出政權,他若有意對台友好並提升美台交往關係,為何拖到下台前幾天才做?很明顯,他不僅把台灣當棋子,甚至是當成可以隨便犧牲的卒子看待。

川普派克拉夫特來台,原因有二:一是轉移全球對其支持者衝撞國會的焦點,二是利用僅剩的權力一搏,遮掩自己不受支持的窘態。耐人尋味的是,就在龐培歐八日宣布克拉夫特訪台的同日,密利稍後第二度致電李作成,向他說明克拉夫特不會訪台。同一天,美國眾院議長裴洛西也曾與密利通話,擔心川普會讓核子飛彈「意外發射」;密利則向她保證,他已採取「防護措施」。

事實上,在《華盛頓郵報》記者出書披露了這些過程後,密利倍受壓力,川普甚至直接指責他「叛國」。但若要細究,究竟是狂妄善變、濫權自大的川普違背人民的託付,還是行事謹慎、忠誠謀國的密利沒有顧及國家的利益?從大選結果看,美國人民的答案應該很清楚了!

近年蔡政府仗著美國的表面支持,不顧台灣的安全與自主,不斷配合美方的劇本演出,其實已經踰越了維護國家的本分。川普不在乎激怒中共,因為他的國家距離戰線非常遙遠;但蔡總統甘願把台灣推上火線,卻偽稱為「價值同盟」,這對得起人民嗎?蔡英文近日接受CNN訪問,還刻意誇大「美軍在台」的訊息,顯示了她的「川普化」傾向。結果,還要國防部長邱國正幫她澄清,是「協訓」而非「駐防」。

為了選舉,蔡英文可以像川普般激情演出;然而,我們能期待邱國正變密利嗎?
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