The Hard-to-Win Afghan-Pakistan War

Published in 21st Century News Group
(China) on 22 October 2009
by Naijuan Zhu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Guangyong Liang. Edited by Christie Chu.
With the support of the U.S., Pakistan's government's military carried out an attack against the Taliban force recently. During the attack, Pakistan's military intended to crush about 10,000 Taliban members using 30,000 soldiers. But Pakistan's military stated frankly that this round of attacks is likely to be longer than expected, due to the complex topography and vigorous resistance of the enemy.

Not long ago, a summit of the leaders from the U.S., Afghanistan and Pakistan was held in Washington and the U.S. declared a "three-in-one" Afghan-Pakistan strategy. This crushing attack is no doubt an extension of Obama's Afghanistan War and the description of "Afghan-Pakistan War" is quite appropriate.

The decision not to set up a missile defense system in Eastern Europe temporarily eases the tension with Russia. Obama seems to have undertaken some flexible and moderate strategies toward the Islamic world. In addition, besides persuading Europe to actively stimulate the economy more and sending more troops to Afghanistan, he has little interest in other affairs. Undoubtedly, Obama has shifted the focus of his diplomacy to Afghanistan and Pakistan. He is trying hard to amend the swamp created by Bush's Iraq War. However, he is likely to fall into another swamp.

As for the Afghanistan situation, no matter how many soldiers the U.S. sends there, it would be in vain (Europeans are completely indifferent about sending troops to Afghanistan). That is because the Taliban and Al-Qaeda are always in the dark. This is the biggest difference between new-style wars and old-style wars: The pain of old-style war is temporary but the new so-called anti-terrorism war is never ending--full of the politicians' strategies, the helplessness and hopelessness of the soldiers, the hysteria of the extremists and the bloody tears of the civilians.

According to reports, since August this year, in south Waziristan, where 600,000 people originally resided, about 100,000 people were forced to flee from their homes. This data from the United Nations shows that there are 500 people leaving their homes every day.

Obama's focus shift from Iraq to Afghanistan and Pakistan may not be wise. In regards to this war, there are two visions worth mentioning: First, if the U.S. really wants to be "anti-terrorist," then the most effective way ought to be utilizing strengths from many countries to ease up the local situation such as Iran. Iran is Afghanistan's neighbor country, and the turmoil in Afghanistan is of no benefit to Iran.

A important reason for Obama's Nobel Peace Prize is that he has is "anti-monopolarity." Therefore, he indeed ought to respond to the "summons" of this Nobel Peace Prize and seek help from many countries. Besides, the U.S. should increase economic aid for this region. Only the end of U.S. military force and increasing economic aid will bring welfare to local residents, as well as bring down the foundation of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda.

Second, the above intention to "end terrorism" is not the main reason for the war; the desire to protect the U.S.'s interests in the East (in particular the Middle East) is well known by everyone. Although the unstable regions are the most valuable regions to exploit, the investment of military force will always be unequal to what comes out in the end. The number of armed terrorists crushed can not represent how victorious the war is, just as the pretty data of every country's economic recovery can not cover the suffering of the economic crisis.

Looking at this angle, the offshore balance strategy believed by realist Mearsheimer is better than the new protectionism and solving problems by military force. He advocates carrying out the balance strategy in the distant region and let the "chess pieces" of that region balance themselves to ensure the interests of the U.S.


在美国支持下,巴基斯坦政府军近日在南瓦济里斯坦展开了攻击塔利班部队的行动。在该行动中,巴基斯坦政府军队出动了三万人打算清剿约一万名塔利班分子。但巴基斯坦军方坦陈,由于地形复杂及“敌人”顽抗,这轮清剿攻势可能会比预期时间长。

不久前,在美国华府举行了美国、阿富汗和巴基斯坦三国首领峰会,美国宣布了“三位一体”的“阿富巴战略”。这场清剿行动无疑是奥巴马的阿富汗战争的延伸,“阿富巴战争”的表述颇为贴切。

奥巴马取消在东欧设导弹防御系统暂时缓和了与俄罗斯的关系,奥巴马也貌似打算对伊斯兰世界采取某些柔性的缓和策略,另外,他除了大力游说欧洲更积极地刺激经济和向阿富汗派兵以外对欧洲其他事务也兴趣不大。无疑,奥巴马已经将外交重心转到了阿富汗和巴基斯坦,他对布什的伊拉克泥沼进行了大力修正,但是,很可能他又掉进了另一个泥沼。

在阿富汗局势上,美国派多少兵都可能无济于事(欧洲人根本对派兵阿富汗不感兴趣),因为,美国世仇塔利班和基地永远处于暗处,这就是新型战争与旧式战争的最大区别,旧式战争的阵痛是短暂的,而新式的所谓反恐战争是永无止境的,其中充斥着政客的策略、军人的无奈、极端分子的歇斯底里,以及平民的血泪。据报道,自今年8月起,原本居住60万人的南瓦济里斯坦已有近10万人被迫逃离家园。联合国数据显示,南瓦济里斯坦地区每天有500人离开家园。

奥巴马将重心伊拉克转向阿富汗和巴基斯坦,也许并不明智。思考这场战争有两个视野值得一提。第一,如果美国真的是想 “反恐”,那么最有效的方式应该是以多方力量寻求当地局势缓和。比如伊朗,伊朗是阿富汗的邻国,阿富汗动荡对伊朗也没什么好处。奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖的重要原因是他具有“反单极”意愿,所以,他的确应该响应这个诺奖的“召唤”,寻求多方努力。此外,美国应该加大对该地区的经济援助,只有美国不过分对该地区使用武力,并且加大经济援助力度,才会带给当地居民福祉,并有效降低塔利班和基地组织的民间基础。

第二,以上反恐意图显然并非主要的,美国一贯对其在亚洲(尤其是中亚)的利益保护之心路人皆知。尽管,不稳定地区正是最可利用和最有价值的地区。但加大武力投入始终是入不敷出的。清剿多少武装恐怖分子的数字并不能代表战争赢得了多大程度胜利,正如各国经济复苏的漂亮数据不能完全掩饰经济危机的痛苦。

从这个角度来看,现实主义者米尔斯海默信奉的离岸平衡策略比新保守主义与武力解决问题更胜一筹,他们主张在离自己较远的地区实施制衡战略,让该地区的“棋子们”自行制衡,然后保证美国的利益。
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