The U.S.’ Difficult “Libya No-Fly Zone” Problem

Published in Xinhua
(China) on 14 March 2011
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Sharon Chiao. Edited by Alex Brewer.
The League of Arab States came to an agreement on March 12th; they will request that the UN Security Council institutes a no-fly zone over Libya. The March 12th commentary on the United States’ New York Times website expresses the belief that the request by the League of Arab Nations is “an extremely rare invitation for Western military forces on Arab territory."

This increases the pressure on the Obama administration. At the same time it also “clears the way” for the United States and Europe to push for the UN Security Council to pass a similar resolution. The article claims that the Obama administration so far has a “reluctant attitude” towards intervening militarily, because the current situation suggests that this will be a “prolonged and complex” war.

U.S. National Security Advisor Thomas Donilon stated on the 11th that American government officials are using many channels to directly communicate with the Libyan rebels, to “provide assistance” and “understand their leadership structures and their intentions,” and “to hear from them… what their plans are, what their recommendations are.” Donilon said that in the coming week Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will meet with Libyan opposition leaders. America is also preparing to send diplomats to the rebel stronghold of Benghazi. Donilon also disclosed that plans to implement a no fly-zone will be discussed at NATO in the coming week. Regardless of which action is taken, Donilon stressed that the League of Arab States, Gulf Cooperation Council, surrounding countries and organizations need to provide actual support not just vocal support.

Whether the United States should intervene militarily in Libya or not has been a recent discussion point. The American media believes that in the world today, other than Russia, only Western countries have the military strength to implement a no-fly zone over Libya. On the 11th, U.S. President Obama said: “bottom line is that I have not taken any options off the table at this point,” but the decision to send out troops needs to be “well thought through”; those considering it have “got to balance costs versus benefits,” and the decision “needs to get global support.”

U.S. Secretary of Defense Gates has continually had an extremely cautious attitude towards sending troops to Libya, on the 10th, after meeting with NATO’s defense minister, Gates stressed that there needs to be “a demonstrable need, a sound legal basis and strong regional support,” before NATO takes action. He also pointed out that NATO should increase surveillance of Libya from the Mediterranean Sea, mainly through the repositioning of naval assets and not by increasing the number of naval ships already there.

On the 11th, former NATO Supreme Allied Commander Europe and commander of U.S. forces stationed in Europe, Wesley Clark, published an article that clearly states that the Libya situation has yet to reach the threshold to prepare American forces to intervene. Clark counts in history, starting from the end of the Vietnam War, all of the U.S. military interventions in the past 30 plus years: “Some have succeeded, some were awful blunders”; “some worked in the short run, but not the longer term”; “others still hang in the balance, such as the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.” Clark listed a few principles America should consider when carrying out military intervention, when the United States needs to “deploy its blood and treasure” in operations “far from home”: “Understand the national interests at stake, and decide if the result is worth the cost. Know your purpose and how the suggested military action will accomplish it… Get U.S. public support, obtain diplomatic and legal authority, and get allies engaged. Avoid U.S. and civilian casualties. Once you decided to it, get it over with.”

Clark believes that America does not import much oil from Libya, and that the humanitarian concerns in Libya are no worse than at other times when the United States stood by and did nothing. Libya also has not had any hostile actions toward the United States. However once U.S. troops enter Libya, the conflict will then be between the United States and Gadhafi. The United States would need to deploy ground troops, and then they must stay until the end. Not to mention American troops are already engaged in two expensive wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Clark says: “We should have learned these lessons from our long history of intervention. We don’t need Libya to offer us a refresher course in past mistakes.”





阿拉伯国家联盟12日达成一致,将要求联合国安理会在利比亚设立禁飞区。美国《纽约时报》网站12日的评论认为,阿盟这一“要求西方军队出现在阿拉伯国家领土上的极为罕见的邀请”,增加了对奥巴马政府的压力,同时也为美欧要求联合国安理会通过相关决议“扫清了道路”。文章认为,奥巴马政府迄今为止对军事干预“态度勉强”,因为其前景可能意味着一场“持久和复杂”的战争。

  美国国家安全事务助理多尼伦11日称,美国政府官员正在通过多种渠道与利比亚反对派进行直接接触,以“提供帮助”以及“了解他们的领导结构和意图”,“听听他们的计划和建议”。多尼伦说,国务卿克林顿将在未来一周内与利比亚反对派代表会面,美国也准备派遣外交官去往反对派控制的班加西。多尼伦还透露,有关设立禁飞区的计划将于未来一周内在北约内部提交。无论采取何种行动,多尼伦强调,阿盟、海合会等区内国家及组织需提供实际支持,而不仅是言辞上的支持。

  是否对利比亚进行军事干预,近来成为美国各界的焦点话题。美国媒体认为,当今世界除了俄罗斯,只有西方国家有军事能力在利比亚设立禁飞区。美国总统奥巴马11日称,“底线是我目前不排除任何选项”,但出兵的决定必须“好好地想清楚”,“要平衡成本与收益”,并应获得国际社会的支持。美国国防部长盖茨对出兵利比亚一直抱持极为谨慎的态度,他10日在北约防长会后强调,必须有“显而易见的需求、坚实的法律基础和强大的地区支持”,北约才会采取军事行动。他同时指出,北约在地中海区域加强对利比亚的监测,主要是通过对已在此区域的舰只进行重新部署而非增加舰只来实现。

  前北约欧洲盟军最高司令兼美国驻欧洲部队总司令韦斯利?克拉克11日发表文章,明言利比亚局势尚未达到美国军事干预的标准。克拉克历数自越战结束30多年来美国的对外军事干预:“有些成功了,有些是愚蠢的错误”:“有些有短期效果,但长期无效”;“有些还在未定之天,例如阿富汗战争和伊拉克战争”。克拉克列举出美国“牺牲生命与财富”在“遥远之地”进行军事干预的几条原则:确定得失攸关的国家利益,然后决定所得是否值得所失;确定目标,决定所提议的军事行动是否能够达到此目标;得到美国公众的支持,取得外交和法理上的权威,以及盟友的参与;避免美国人和平民伤亡;一旦决定做,就要做到底。

  克拉克认为,美国从利比亚进口的石油甚少,利比亚的人道主义状况并不比美国曾袖手旁观的一些情形更糟糕,利比亚也没有针对美国的敌对行动,美军一旦介入,冲突将成为美国与卡扎菲之间的战争,美国必须出动地面部队并只能坚持到底,而美军在伊拉克和阿富汗已经在进行两场过度支出的战争。克拉克说, “我们应该已从长长的军事干预史中学到教训,我们不需要利比亚再成为我们所犯错误的最新一课”。
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