Without Hillary Pretending To Be Fair While Actually Favoring One Side, Is America Still America?  

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 21 January 2013
by Wang Jingtao (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Caroline Moreno. Edited by Heather Martin.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who was about to leave office, stated on Jan. 18 that the U.S. does not maintain a position on the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the Diaoyu Islands, but admits that the Diaoyu Islands are within the bounds of Japan's administrative jurisdiction and that the U.S. opposes any unilateral movement that seeks to destroy Japan's administrative jurisdiction. This is the U.S. publicly pretending to be fair in stopping the Sino-Japanese Diaoyu Islands conflict, while actually favoring Japan.

Even so, there is nothing surprising about this; if the confrontation between China and Japan were to escalate further, the U.S. military would probably also send out a signal of pretending fairness while actually favoring one side. If China and Japan truly come to blows, the U.S. military stationed in Japan would also take concrete actions to put pressure on China. If China doesn't even have the psychological capability for this, then we should not have originally sent maritime patrol ships and aircraft to the Diaoyu Islands to do patrols, and we can forget about the outcries against Japan as well.

Considerable parts of both the Diaoyu Islands conflict and the South China Sea conflict have ultimately turned into a game of chess between China and the U.S., and if these few words of Hilary's on Jan. 18 are considered a "significant incident," then China should revise its country's entire foreign diplomacy strategy and even re-examine whether there is a need for national revival after all.

What we can be sure of is that the weaker China's national strength is, the more half-hearted the pressure the U.S. puts on China will be, and, conversely, the stronger China is, the more serious the suppression coming from the U.S. will be. This is China's fate as a great power and as it gradually becomes a world superpower.

Does this imply that military conflicts between the Chinese and the Americans will finally be ignited by frictions similar to that of the Diaoyu Islands conflict? This is another question, and we believe this is not necessarily the case.

This first depends on whether the U.S. is determined to use military methods to curb China's rising. We cannot discern this type of determination, at least not today. With China gradually becoming big and powerful, the risk of the U.S. using this type of strategy only increases with each passing day. Although the U.S. is unwilling to proactively confront this kind of risk, U.S. voters will not agree to their government making stupid wagers with the destinies of nations.

Secondly, we need to look at whether China is being excessive and directly threatening the U.S.’ core interests. If China openly expands in East Asia, like Japan's large-scale invasion in years past and attempts to drive U.S. influence out of East Asia then, even if it were a gigantic risk, the U.S. would still take action. However, China is not that kind of country; we haven't considered invading other countries' territories, and our frictions with Japan, as well as with the Philippines and Vietnam, all revolve around disputes regarding the jurisdiction of islands. Even if China and Japan were to make war, the nature of it would be clear at a glance.

Thirdly, the Diaoyu Islands are situated within the effective deterrence range of China's national defense capabilities, and if the U.S. intervenes tactically, it certainly would not have an assurance of victory. China has sufficient military means and non-military means to retaliate against the U.S.’ pretense of fairness with actual partiality to make the U.S. get bogged down in a quagmire it is unwilling to get bogged down in and completely lose face.

Therefore, China should treat the U.S.’ frequent subtle changes in stance on the Diaoyu Islands issue reasonably and not wishfully seek to exaggerate simultaneously individual phrases as being favorable to China in the process. China also shouldn't be depressed to the point of being timid because of how Hillary pretended to be fair and stop the conflict, but actually favored one side. The America factor is very important, but it is not so big that China cannot deal with it. All of this is happening at China's doorstep, and China is not going to the depths of the Pacific Ocean to provoke a dispute. We are safeguarding our own sovereignty. Furthermore, we are not a country that only has fire sticks in its hands.

Regardless of whether the U.S. interferes, either way, China should insist on actions that are reasonable, advantageous and controlled for the Diaoyu Islands and the South Sea conflicts. China is not warlike and is not afraid of war. These two "nots" do not have an order. Regardless of whom we encounter, our attitude and willpower are the same.

China, Japan and the U.S. will be involved in an extremely complex game of chess revolving around the Diaoyu Islands. Each side will probe the others, sound out the real situation, fight psychological battles and, at the same time, enjoy the benefits of mutual cooperation with the other sides. Currently, the true situation is that all sides have no intention of engaging in war, but all sides are intensifying preparations in case the gun goes off accidentally while it is being cleaned. There is more uncertainty around the military tactics of the situation, while strategies are instead clearer. That is, now is not the time for the main forces of the West Pacific to have a strategic collision; the Diaoyu Islands are not that large of a detonator.

What is most important for China is maintaining an attitude of constancy regarding the Diaoyu Islands; we need to make the outside world understand us through studying us and by studying us very accurately. China's resolve to counter military provocations needs to have the same lack of suspense that its resolve to rise peacefully has. This way, whatever words pop out of the mouths of the Americans at the time, it won't be that important.


即将卸任的美国国务卿希拉里·克林顿18日说,美在钓鱼岛主权归属上不持立场,但承认钓鱼岛在日本行政管辖范围内,反对任何寻求破坏日本行政管辖的单边行动。这是美就中日钓鱼岛争端公开拉偏架。

  然而这不是什么意外,如果中日对抗进一步升级,美国军方大概也会发出拉偏架的信号。一旦中日真的交手,驻日美军还会有向中国施压的具体动作。如果中国连这点心理承受力都没有,当初我们就不该派海监船和飞机去钓鱼岛巡航,对日本抗议几声也就算了。

  钓鱼岛之争以及南海之争,最后都有相当一部分转化成中美博弈,如果希拉里18日的这几句话就算是“重大事件”,那么中国就该修改整个国家的外交战略,甚至重新审视民族复兴到底有没有必要。

  可以肯定的是,中国的国家实力越弱,美国对中国的施压越会三心二意。相反中国越强,来自美国的压制会越认真。这是中国作为一个大国并逐渐成为世界超级力量的宿命。

  这是否意味着中美军事冲突终将被类似钓鱼岛的摩擦引爆呢?这是另一个问题,我们认为未必。

  这首先取决于美国是否有用军事手段遏制中国崛起的决心。这样的决心至少今天看不出来,随着中国日渐强大,美国这样做的战略风险只会与日俱增。美国显然不愿意主动面对这样的风险,美国选民不会同意他们的政府拿国家命运做愚蠢的赌注。

  第二要看中国是否会做得太过分,直接威胁美国的核心利益。如果中国在东亚公然扩张,像当年的日本那样大举侵略,试图将美国的势力从东亚赶走,那么即使有天大的风险,美国也会动手。但中国不是这样的国家,我们没想侵略别国领土,与日本及菲越的摩擦都是围绕争议岛屿的归属,中日即使开战,它的性质也是一目了然的。

  第三,钓鱼岛处于中国国防力量的有效威慑范围之内,美国如果做战术性的介入,并无取胜把握。中国有足够的军事手段和非军事手段报复美国的拉偏架,让美国陷入它不愿陷入的泥潭,颜面扫地。

  因此中国应当理性对待美国在钓鱼岛问题上常有细微变化的表态,不一厢情愿地从中寻找并夸大对中国有利的个别词句,也不因希拉里那样的拉偏架而沮丧甚至胆怯。美国因素很重要,但它没有大到中国无法对付的程度。这一切都发生在中国的家门口,中国不是去太平洋深处惹是生非。我们在保卫自己的主权,而且我们不是手里只有烧火棍的国家。

  无论美国干不干涉,中国都应在钓鱼岛和南海坚持行动的有理有利有节。中国不好战也不惧战,这两个“不”没有先后顺序。无论碰上谁,我们的态度和意志都是一样的。

  中日美围绕钓鱼岛将有一个非常复杂的博弈期。各方将彼此试探,摸底线,打心理战,同时享受彼此合作的好处。现在的真实情况是,各方都无意进行战争,但又都对擦枪走火加紧做预案。局势的战术性不确定性更多,战略上反而更清晰些,那就是,现在不是西太平洋主要力量发生战略对撞的时候,钓鱼岛没有那么大的触发力。

  中国最重要的是保持围绕钓鱼岛态度的恒定,要让外界读得懂我们,而且读得很准确。中国反击军事挑衅的坚决性,要像和平崛起的坚决性一样毫无悬念。这样美国人嘴里临时又蹦出来什么词就不那么重要了。
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