TPP Negotiations: No Need to Fuss over a Summer Agreement

Published in Kahoku Shimpo
(Japan) on 25 May 2014
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Taylor Cazella. Edited by Kyrstie Lane.
A meeting will be commenced in July among top negotiation officials to approach a settlement and determine a path to discuss challenges — beginning with, but not limited to, the sphere of access to market goods and tariffs. Akira Amari, the official in charge of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), said that this meeting will be a “hugely crucial point.”*

The joint declaration concluded at the TPP negotiation cabinet meeting held in Singapore can be taken as a message that they are aiming for an agreement on an outline this summer.

The U.S. emphasized the progress and U.S. Trade Representative Michael Froman said that negotiations have “good momentum.” Although we’ve seen regular concessions in the field of intellectual property, including copyrights and [amendments to] the period of time during which research and data on new medicines is protected, the original negotiation methods have been carried over. Resolving conflicts in more difficult fields will not be an easy matter.

The U.S. is hoping for a summary agreement by summer. This is because the Obama administration is preparing for the congressional midterm elections in November, and would like to use the appeal of diplomatic results that could lead to increased exports and higher employment rates. It appears that this intention came into play in the joint declaration.

However, this is the flip side of the weakening of the Obama administration – an administration with few diplomatic results and approval ratings hanging in the low digits – and a dramatic loss of cohesive power. This also affixes a question mark to the situation of whether or not promises made with such an administration will reach fruition.

This “progress” of negotiations toward a summary agreement means, as far as Japan is concerned, concessions aimed at the maintenance of tariffs on five essential agricultural products, including rice.

However, it is not at all desirable for such concessions or "progress" to find their footing in agriculture. There is no need to hurry in our cozying up to America. What is important is not the time frame for an agreement, but rather the contents of the negotiations. We can’t allow for a hasty conclusion.

In this recent meeting of cabinet ministers, the U.S. used a conference held by both countries in April – a conference that was considered to have made progress regarding access to agricultural markets – as leverage toward an acceleration of all negotiations. Nevertheless, it did not succeed in becoming a driving force.

The reason is because the U.S. and Japan have not arrived at a summary agreement, and there has not been any concrete reference from the U.S. regarding plans for market access, including tariff rates for beef and pork products, which have become focal points.

Domestically, the U.S. has fallen behind on regulations and failed to break the unyielding posture of the politically strong pork industry, which is demanding full annulment of trade tariffs. If the U.S. makes yet another stiff turn under that pressure, Japan-U.S. negotiations will have to be re-divided once more. The livestock industry also exerts its influence on Congress, and at this point, the path leading to a summary agreement is a treacherous one.

Because of entanglements in the coming election, Congress has not entrusted the Obama administration with negotiations by providing Trade Promotion Authority (TPA). As it stands now, even if negotiations conclude, it is possible that Congress will oppose and overturn the decision without this authority.

Even if the U.S. makes concessions to arrive at an agreement, it is possible that it could all go to waste. This concern is also present among other participating nations, and can be considered the main reason why overall negotiations are not taking off. Minister of Finance Taro Aso, who took part in a Japan-U.S. leadership conference, said that currently, Obama likely doesn't have the strength needed to consolidate all of the U.S. domestically, and the viewpoint that it will be quite difficult to arrive at a conclusion before midterm elections is not far off the mark.

Starting with the aforementioned five agricultural products, those which the national Diet has requested be treated as “sacred” should be protected. And with that engraved firmly in our hearts, we have to carefully regard the present condition of the U.S. government.

*Editor's note: The original quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.


TPP交渉/夏の合意こだわる必要ない

 関税をめぐる物品市場アクセス分野をはじめ、妥結に向け難題を協議する「道筋を決定」し7月に首席交渉官会合を開く、とうたう。そして、その会合が「大きなヤマ場」というのが、甘利明環太平洋連携協定(TPP)担当相の「解説」である。
 シンガポールで開かれたTPP交渉閣僚会合がまとめた共同声明は、夏に大筋合意を目指すとのメッセージと受け取れる。
 日米は「交渉は勢いづいた」(フロマン米通商代表)と、進展を強調した。確かに著作権や新薬データの保護期間を含む知的財産分野でも一定の歩み寄りは見られたものの、本格折衝は持ち越された。難航分野での対立解消は容易なことではない。
 夏までの大筋合意を望むのは米国である。11月の議会中間選挙を控え、オバマ政権は輸出や雇用の増加につながる外交成果としてアピールしたいからだ。共同声明には、その意向が働いたとみられる。
 だが、そのことは、外交成果に乏しく支持率も低迷するオバマ政権の弱体化、求心力低下が著しいことの裏返しである。そのような政権との約束が果たして守られるのかどうかについて疑問符が付く状況にもある。
 大筋合意に向けた交渉の「進展」は、コメを含む重要5農産物の関税維持を目指す日本にとっては「譲歩」を意味する。
 だが、そうした進展も譲歩も農業が基盤の地方は望んではいない。米国にすりよって、急ぐ必要はない。大切なのは合意の時期ではなく、交渉の中身だ。拙速な妥協は許されない。
 今回の閣僚会合で日米は、4月に農産物の市場アクセスをめぐって双方が譲歩し進展したとされる両国協議をテコに、全体交渉の加速を狙った。だが、「推進力」とはならなかった。
 なぜなら、日米が大筋合意に至っておらず、焦点とされた牛・豚肉の関税率を含め、アクセスの仕組みについて日米から具体的な言及がなかったからだ。
 米国内では、特に政治力が強い豚肉業界が関税撤廃を求める強硬姿勢を崩しておらず、国内調整が遅れている。その圧力を受け米政府が再び強硬に転ずれば、日米協議は仕切り直さざるを得なくなる。畜産業界は議会にも影響力を行使しており、大筋合意に至る道はなお険しい。
 選挙に絡むそうした事情などから、米議会は交渉を一任する「貿易促進権限」をオバマ政権に与えていない。権限がないまま交渉が妥結したとしても、議会の反対で覆される恐れがある。
 米国が譲歩し合意しても、ほごにされかねない。そんな懸念が参加国にあることも交渉全体が勢いづかない要因とされる。
 4月の日米首脳会談を受け、麻生太郎財務相が「オバマ(大統領)が国内で全部まとめきれる力は今ないだろう」と、中間選挙まで結論を出すのは難しいとした見方は外れてはいまい。
 5農産物をはじめ、国会決議が求めた「聖域」を守る。そのことをあらためて肝に銘じつつ、米国の政治状況をじっくりと見極めなければならない。
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