American ‘Pivot to Asia’ Will Be Difficult to Maintain

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 4 December 2014
by Li HaiDong 李海东 (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Joe Matthews. Edited by Sean Feely.
The recent resignation of Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel means that the Obama administration will see its fourth secretary of defense; this hasn’t occurred since the Korean War, during the Truman administration. This has caused people to pay attention to whether the administration will continue its “strategic focus” on the Asia- Pacific. Objectively speaking, the Obama government can continue to support the “pivot to Asia,” but the continuing strength and sustainability of this strategy has come into question.

First, the implementation over the past three years of the "pivot to Asia" is clearly suffering from a lack of balance. The Obama administration has attempted to create an American-led security and economic framework in the Asia-Pacific region. However, there has been an overplaying of military buildup in the region, a stalling of the Trans-Pacific Partnership without China, and uncertainty in just about every other measure. At the same time, the U.S. wants to build its relationship with China and promote regional integration, but in the end, it encourages the Japanese military, which seeks to revise its constitution and is unwilling to think about its history. The U.S. says it has a strategic focus on the Asia-Pacific, but in reality, the strategic focus is currently on North Africa and the Middle East — not to mention Ukraine. Events have led America by its nose farther and farther away from the Asia-Pacific. It will be very difficult for America to fix this imbalance in the years to come.

Second, at the same time, the Obama administration’s diplomatic decision-making process is in disarray, with a lack of motivation to push forward this strategy inside the government. During the first four years of the administration, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was able to implement the “rebalancing” strategy. At that time, then-Senators Kerry and Hagel were fringe players on this issue — the Asia-Pacific strategy’s plans and implementation were crafted by a small group of core players and national security advisers. Many people questioned Obama’s efforts, or lack thereof, of getting input and edits from other departments of the government.

The results of the midterm elections have aggravated the disputes between the president and foreign affairs leaders in the Senate. Looking forward to the 2016 elections, any foreign policy actions taken by the president are sure to become highly partisan, as Republicans launch major challenges and criticisms to them. Thus, they may be more willing to see more inaction on the part of the Obama administration — to paint him as ineffective and passive.

Third, the weakening of America’s own strength will aggravate problems with the rebalance. Fierce polarization in politics has made more people question the effectiveness of the American political system. Domestic racial issues, unemployment, and immigration policy have all worked to hinder the vitality and recovery of the American economy. Without systematic rethinking or deep reform, America’s recession could irreversibly accelerate. Already, there is a disconnect between America’s actual strength and its position as a global hegemonic leader. The Obama administration’s attempts to reduce military expenditures and withdraw troops from abroad are in a difficult condition. In addition, America’s involvement in hotspots across the world have not had the desired effects or outcomes.

Fourth, suspicions by Asia-Pacific countries toward America’s rebalancing are increasing. The rebalancing strategy refers to notions of a region divided across security and economic lines — in tune with Cold-War thinking. America is trying to turn countries away from economic reliance on China, and keep countries reliant on the U.S. for security. This old style of thinking was what led to the division of Europe between the West and the USSR during the Cold War. Asian countries don’t wish to see that tragedy of Europe manifest itself in the Asia- Pacific. The main proponents of the rebalance in Asia are America’s allies; most other countries wish to keep their distance.

In summary, the “rebalance” strategy is an American creation aimed at maintaining its system, where it plays the role of a hegemonic power. However, the existence of many troubling factors means that it will be difficult for America to meet its projected targets. Whether to seek to maintain that old world order or to slowly build a more suitable multipolar world system is the dilemma that America is currently facing.


哈格尔近日辞去美国国防部长职务,这意味着奥巴马总统任期内将至少会有四位国防部长,这只有在深陷朝鲜战争的杜鲁门政府时期出现过。它引发人们对“美国是否依然会战略聚焦亚太”的关注。客观而言,奥巴马政府依然会强撑“亚太再平衡”战略,但此战略后继乏力,未来的可持续性令人质疑。

  首先,过去三年“亚太再平衡”战略的实践已证明其严重失衡。奥巴马政府试图在亚洲打造一个体现美国主导地位的亚太区域安全与经济架构,但其前期渲染军力集结,后期力推将中国搁置在外的前途未定的TPP,整个战略实施摇摆不定;它宣扬要与中国建伙伴关系并推区域一体化,但却始终鼓动对历史欠缺反思的日本强军修宪;其宣言战略聚焦亚太,但战略实际关注要么是中东和北非,要么是乌克兰,始终被事件牵着鼻子走的美国离亚洲看似愈来愈远。美国要在未来数年改变此失衡状况会很难。

  其次,奥巴马政府外交决策进程混乱,推行此战略的政府内部动力不足。奥巴马政府头四年,国务卿希拉里主导“再平衡”战略实施。当前任期内,国务卿克里与国防部长哈格尔成为决策进程中的边缘人物,亚太战略的规划与实施呈现以国家安全顾问为核心的小集团化决策特色,奥巴马对不同部门进行协调推进亚太战略的能力备受质疑。国会中期选举的结局,势必加剧总统与国会外交主导权的争夺;2016年美总统大选的即将到来,更会导致奥巴马政府任何外交动议将饱受浸淫于党派之争的共和党人的抨击与挑战,他们可能更愿意看到奥巴马政府在外交上的无所作为。

  第三,美国自身实力的相对衰落加剧了其实现“亚太再平衡”目标的难度。因激烈“极化”党争,美国自身政治制度运作的有效性已引发越来越多的质疑,国内种族、失业、移民等众多困局更加重了美国恢复自身制度与经济活力的难度。如不进行体系性的深刻反思与改革,美国“衰退”很可能会不可逆地加快呈现,美国实力与其全球霸权维系目标之间已严重失衡。奥巴马政府试图以海外撤军和缩减军费度过当前艰难时期,但事与愿违,美军卷入的各热点区域基本都以美国不愿看到的结局而告终。

  第四,亚太国家对美国“再平衡”战略疑虑在增加。“再平衡”战略指导观念是安全与经济层面分割亚太区域,是冷战思维的体现。美国试图彻底扭转亚太国家经济依赖中国、安全依赖美国的两分状况,推动其全面倒向美国。美国的这种旧思维已导致美俄在欧洲新冷战局面的出现,亚太国家并不希望欧洲悲剧在亚洲出现翻版。“再平衡”战略在亚太区域的坚定粉丝是美国的亚太盟国,众多国家对此战略保持距离。

  总之,“再平衡”战略事关美国维系其霸权制度架构的打造,美国会继续推进,但种种困扰性因素的存在意味着将很难达到其预期目标。继续维系全球霸权还是渐趋适应一个更为多极化的世界,当前的美国恰处在两难的“槛”上
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