Half a Year of the Biden Administration: Prioritizing Southeast Asia To Tighten Net around China

Published in The Sankei News
(Japan) on 27 July 2021
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Eric Stimson. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
Half a year has passed since the administration of Joe Biden took office in America.

It is praiseworthy that he made competition with China the highest diplomatic and security priority, identified a series of problems from human rights violations and unfair commercial practices to security in the Taiwan Strait, and took harsh measures, such as imposing sanctions.

When Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman visited Tianjin, China, for talks with mid- and high-level Chinese officials, the Chinese complained that “America is restraining China on all fronts” and demanded change in America’s anti-Chinese policy. In reaction to America’s offensive, China has grown closer to fellow authoritarian countries like Russia. Coordinating with allies and friendly countries has become even more important for maintaining a strong net around China.

Last week, America, along with Japan and the European Union, released a statement criticizing cyberattacks in which the Chinese government is implicated.

The U.S. and EU have aligned sanctions to punish China’s violations of the rights of the Uighur people, and the American-led web of containment around China has shown progress in a wide range of fields.

People were anxious that Biden, who was involved in the Obama administration’s China policy, would be lenient toward China, but for now they have been proven wrong. We approve of his evident continuation of the Trump administration’s clear posture of confrontation with China, for instance, by supporting the 2016 decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague's rejection of Chinese sovereignty over the South China Sea.

But to make the web of containment around China effective, more countries must endorse and participate in it.

Aside from his direct encounter with Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide, Biden has maintained a shared anti-Chinese attitude with the Group of Seven and the Quad Alliance (Japan, America, Australia and India). India could also become a strong partner.

Furthermore, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which historically has a deep relationship with China, holds the key. Trump overlooked this region — in four years, he never attended the East Asia Summit, which ASEAN leads. In the meantime, China expanded its influence, for instance, through economic support. Restoring trust is urgent.

Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin has begun a three-country tour of Southeast Asia, including Vietnam — the first major cabinet official in the Biden administration to do so. In mid-July, the first U.S.-ASEAN foreign ministers’ summit was held online. We hope this will be a chance to launch a comeback in Southeast Asian diplomacy, where the U.S. has fallen behind China.


バイデン米政権の発足から半年がたった。

中国との競争を外交・安全保障上の最重要課題とし、人権侵害や不公正な通商慣行、台湾海峡の安全など問題点を次々と指摘して、制裁などの厳しい措置を取ったことは評価できる。

中国・天津を訪問しているシャーマン国務副長官との米中高官会談で、中国側は「米国は全方位で中国を押さえ込もうとしている」と非難し、対中政策の変更を求めた。米国の攻勢に反発する中国は、同じ強権国家のロシアなどに接近している。強力な対中包囲網構築のため、同盟・友邦諸国との連携が一層、重要になる。

米国は先週、日本や欧州連合(EU)などとともに、中国政府が関与したとみられるサイバー攻撃を非難する声明を発表した。

米国とEUなどは、ウイグル人の人権侵害に対する制裁でも足並みをそろえており、米主導の中国包囲網が幅広い分野を網羅することを具体的行動で示した。

対中関与政策を取ったオバマ政権の副大統領だったバイデン大統領には対中融和を志向するとの懸念もあったが、当面は払拭された。中国の南シナ海での主権の主張を退けた2016年の仲裁裁判所(ハーグ)判決への支持など、中国との対決姿勢を鮮明にしたトランプ前政権の立場の踏襲を明確に表明したのもよかった。

だが、中国包囲網を実効性のあるものとするためには、より多くの国の賛同、参加が不可欠だ。

バイデン氏は対面で真っ先に菅義偉首相と会談したほか、先進7カ国(G7)や日米豪印のクアッドなどの場で、対中認識の共有を確認した。インドも強力なパートナーとなり得る。

さらに、カギを握るのが、中国と歴史的に関係が深い東南アジア諸国連合(ASEAN)だ。トランプ前大統領は4年間で一度もASEAN主導の東アジアサミットに出席しないなど、この地域を軽視した。その間に中国が経済支援などで影響力を拡大させた。信頼の回復が急務である。

オースティン国防長官がバイデン政権の主要閣僚として初のベトナムなど東南アジア3カ国歴訪を開始した。7月中旬には初めての米ASEAN外相会議がオンラインで開かれた。これを機に、中国に後れを取った対東南アジア外交でも巻き返しを図ってほしい。
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