The Trump administration’s new offensive to dismantle international law “brick by brick” is turning the world into a more dangerous place
When the world woke up to the horrors of World War II, the idea took hold that some crimes should be constituted as attacks against all human beings. That is how the concepts of genocide and crimes against humanity came about. The Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals were created to prosecute those responsible for crimes that, until then, had no name, including the Holocaust. Raphael Lemkin, who coined the term “genocide,” realized that impunity for atrocities, such as the Armenian genocide, had led to massacres caused by major totalitarian regimes. The need to create a permanent court that prosecuted those crimes initially took the form of courts dedicated to the genocides in Rwanda and Bosnia, and then the International Criminal Court, which was created in 2002 and whose jurisdiction is currently recognized by 125 countries.
Today, that very system, in place to protect victims of war and totalitarian regimes, is suffering an unprecedented attack from the U.S. government, which has just announced a plan to dismantle the post-war judicial system “brick by brick.” U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio justified this with the bogus argument that the ICC is threatening the existence of the United States as a sovereign and independent nation. In its attack against international law, the global superpower also imposed draconian sanctions on judges and court officials, as well as other measures, including banning them from using credit cards, which will prevent them from leading normal lives and pursuing their careers.
President Donald Trump’s idea that international relations should be governed by the law of the jungle and that no international norm can limit his power takes us back to some dark moments in history. At the start of Trump’s second term, his adviser Stephen Miller stated that, “we live in a world, in the real world … that is governed by strength, that is governed by force, that is governed by power,” which he described as “the iron laws of the world since the beginning of time.” The U.S. is not the only democracy opposed to any kind of international justice: Israel, which has several members of government with arrest warrants for the destruction of Gaza, has never hidden its opposition to this court based in The Hague. Neither has Vladmir Putin, another leader subject to an arrest warrant issued by the ICC, and nor does China have any interest in reinforcing it.
International justice — the right to pursue those responsible for these actions in any country when they have no other cases open against them — proved effective in the case of Syrian torturers under Bashar al-Assad’s regime, who were tried for their crimes in recent years in European countries, and in other cases in which national courts have acted against crimes against humanity. However, this cannot replace the work of the ICC, which is in greater need than ever of support from the European Union and other democracies. Impunity does not only concern past crimes, but future ones too.
Contra la impunidad
La nueva ofensiva de la Administración Trump para desmontar “ladrillo a ladrillo” la justicia internacional convierte el mundo en un lugar más inseguro
Cuando el mundo se despertó de los horrores de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, se impuso la idea de que algunos delitos constituían ataques contra todos los seres humanos. Así nacieron los conceptos de genocidio y de crímenes contra la humanidad y se crearon los tribunales de Núremberg y Tokio para juzgar a los responsables de unos crímenes que hasta entonces no tenían nombre, entre ellos el Holocausto. Raphael Lemkin, quien acuñó el concepto de genocidio, se dio cuenta de que la impunidad de atrocidades como el genocidio armenio, había conducido a las masacres posteriores provocadas por los grandes totalitarismos. La necesidad de crear un tribunal permanente que juzgase aquellos crímenes cristalizó primero en cortes especiales para los genocidios de Ruanda y Bosnia, y después en el Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI), creado en 2002 y cuya jurisdicción reconocen por ahora 125 países.
Hoy todo ese sistema para proteger a los víctimas de las guerras y los totalitarismos está sufriendo una ofensiva inaudita por parte de la Administración estadounidense, que acaba de lanzar un plan para desmontar “ladrillo a ladrillo” la arquitectura judicial de la posguerra. El secretario de Estado, Marco Rubio, lo ha justificado con el argumento falaz de que el TPI amenaza de la existencia de Estados Unidos “como nación soberana e independiente”. En su asalto contra la justicia internacional, la primera potencia mundial también ha impuesto sanciones draconianas a jueces y funcionarios del tribunal y, entre otras medidas, les ha prohibido el uso de tarjetas de crédito, lo que les impiden desarrollar su vida y profesión con normalidad.
La idea del presidente Donald Trump de que las relaciones internacionales deben regirse por la ley del más fuerte y de que ninguna norma internacional puede controlar su poder nos remite a momentos sombríos de la historia. Su asesor Stephen Miller se refirió al principio de este segundo mandato a “las leyes de hierro” que gobiernan el mundo “desde el principio de los tiempos”. EE UU no es la única democracia que se opone a cualquier forma de justicia internacional: Israel, que tiene varios dirigentes con órdenes de arresto por la destrucción de Gaza, nunca ha ocultado su rechazo a este tribunal con sede en La Haya. Y ni la Rusia de Vladímir Putin, un líder también bajo orden de arresto del TPI, ni China tienen ningún interés en reforzarlo.
La justicia universal —el derecho a perseguir a los responsables de estas acciones en cualquier país cuando no tienen otros procesos abiertos— se ha mostrado eficaz en el caso de los verdugos sirios del régimen de Bachar el Asad juzgados en los últimos años en países europeos, y en otros casos en los que tribunales nacionales han actuado ante crímenes contra la humanidad, pero no puede suplir la labor del TPI, más necesitado que nunca del apoyo de la Unión Europea y de las democracias. La impunidad no solo mira al pasado, sino a los crímenes del futuro.
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President Donald Trump has consistently demonstrated a preference for maintaining control over escalation rather than allowing events to dictate American strategy.
If the [U.S.-Saudi] nuclear deal hits a deadlock, Riyadh may pivot to alternative suppliers — a shift that would significantly erode American strategic leverage in the Middle East.
President Donald Trump has consistently demonstrated a preference for maintaining control over escalation rather than allowing events to dictate American strategy.
If the [U.S.-Saudi] nuclear deal hits a deadlock, Riyadh may pivot to alternative suppliers — a shift that would significantly erode American strategic leverage in the Middle East.