Xi’s Meetings with Trump and Putin Make China an Obligatory Stop for Diplomacy*

Published in Folha de São Paulo
(Brazil) on 22 May 2026
by Igor Patrick (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jane Dorwart. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
In the Cold War, the U.S. occupied the apex of the dynamic triangle, playing China and Russia off against each other. Today it's Beijing that occupies this function.

Last week I promised that we would speak about the U.S. president’s visit to China, but it might be more interesting to compare the contrasts with the Russian leader.

Xi Jinping received Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin in the same room, with the same military honors and with the same children waving flags. The identical choreography was deliberate, but what matters is in the seams which Beijing purposely left visible.

The most commented-upon difference was in the protocol. Trump was received at the airport by Vice President Han Zheng, a ceremonial position outside the decision nucleus of the Communist Party. Putin was also received by Han, but was joined by Chancellor Wang Yi. In the formal hierarchy, Han has a superior position, but in the hierarchy of real power, Wang carries more weight.

Beijing calibrated the protocol so that each visitor would read the message most suited to them, without anyone being able to complain of inferior treatment. With Trump, Xi sought stability, bringing the American to the Temple of the Sky and to the gardens of Zhongnanhai, a rare gesture that fed Trump’s appetite for exclusive treatment.

The visit didn’t end with a joint statement along with a signing ceremony. The understandings were announced separately, including the purchase of 200 Boeing airplanes and $17 billion in agricultural products. It is not yet clear when these deals will be finalized.

With Putin, there was less personal pomp and more institutional substance. The two countries issued a joint statement of about 10,000 words and more than 40 agreements.

The most revealing contrast is not in the ceremonial formalities, but in what each delegation brought with them. The American delegation included 18 executives from Apple, Tesla and Boeing. The Russian delegation came with five deputy prime ministers and eight ministers, with a focus on oil, energy and banking. Trump was seeking to make deals. Putin was seeking a gas pipeline.

The Power of Siberia 2 [gas pipeline] would transport 50 billion cubic meters of gas per year from Siberia to China via Mongolia. It was conceived to redirect the gas which supplied Europe, cut by sanctions after the Ukraine invasion. The war between the United States and Iran, which closed the Strait of Hormuz, gave Putin a new argument to sell himself as a trustworthy long-term supplier.

Putin left Beijing with warm wishes and no agreement. The Kremlin spoke about “general understandings about the parameters” of the project, but without a timeline or financial figures. The Chinese want the Russians close enough to preserve the strategic partnership, but with enough distance so as not to finance a weakened ally with irreversible commitments.

The joint 47-page manifesto draws from the Russian lexicon more than that of the Chinese, with clear Russian concessions adhering to the principle of One China. At the same time, it criticizes Trump’s Iron Dome and condemns Western sanctions, a problem which affects the Kremlin a lot more than Beijing. Putin managed to get Xi’s signature, but no check.

During the Cold War, the United States occupied the apex of this triangular dynamic, pitting China and the USSR against each other. Today, it is Beijing that occupies that apex — not because it manipulates the two powers, but because it has become an obligatory stop for diplomacy.

The fact that the Chinese leader had received an American president and a Russian in the same week says less about hospitality and more about the reordering of power that is already underway.

*Editor’s note: This article is available in its original language with a paid subscription.


Encontros de Xi com Trump e Putin fazem da China ponto obrigatório de passagem da diplomacia

Na Guerra Fria, os EUA ocupavam vértice superior da dinâmica triangular, jogando China e URSS uma contra a outra
Hoje é Pequim que ocupa essa função

Prometi na semana passada que falaríamos da visita do presidente americano à China, mas talvez seja mais interessante comparar os contrastes com o líder russo.

Xi Jinping recebeu Donald Trump e Vladimir Putin no mesmo salão, com as mesmas honras militares e com as mesmas crianças agitando bandeiras. A coreografia idêntica foi deliberada, mas o que importa está nas costuras que Pequim deixou visíveis de propósito.

A diferença mais comentada foi a protocolar. Trump foi recebido no aeroporto pelo vice-presidente Han Zheng, cargo cerimonial fora do núcleo decisório do Partido Comunista. Putin também teve Han, mas somado ao chanceler Wang Yi. Na hierarquia formal, Han Zheng tem posição superior, mas na hierarquia real do poder, Wang Yi pesa muito mais.

Pequim calibrou o protocolo para que cada visitante lesse a mensagem que lhe convinha, sem que nenhum pudesse reclamar de tratamento inferior. Com Trump, Xi buscou estabilização, levando o americano ao Templo do Céu e aos jardins de Zhongnanhai, um gesto raro que alimentava o apetite de Trump por tratamento exclusivo.
A visita não terminou com declaração conjunta nem cerimônia de assinatura. Os entendimentos foram anunciados separadamente, incluindo a compra de 200 aviões Boeing e de US$ 17 bilhões em produtos agrícolas que ainda não se sabe quando se concretizarão.

Com Putin houve menos pompa pessoal e mais substância institucional. Os dois países divulgaram uma declaração conjunta de quase 10 mil palavras e mais de 40 acordos.

O contraste mais revelador não está no cerimonial, mas no que cada delegação trouxe. A americana veio com 18 executivos de Apple, Tesla e Boeing. A russa trouxe cinco vice-primeiros-ministros e oito ministros, concentrados em petróleo, energia e bancos. Trump foi fechar negócios, Putin foi buscar um gasoduto.

O "Força da Sibéria 2" transportaria 50 bilhões de metros cúbicos de gás por ano da Sibéria à China, via Mongólia. Foi concebido para redirecionar o gás que antes abastecia a Europa, cortado pelas sanções após a invasão da Ucrânia. A guerra entre Estados Unidos e Irã, que fechou o estreito de Hormuz, deu a Putin um argumento novo para se vender como fornecedor confiável de longo prazo.

Putin saiu de Pequim com afagos e nenhum acordo. O Kremlin falou em "entendimento geral sobre os parâmetros" do projeto, sem cronograma nem valores. Os chineses querem os russos perto o suficiente para preservar a parceria estratégica, mas longe o bastante para não financiar um aliado enfraquecido com compromissos irreversíveis.

O manifesto conjunto de 47 páginas repete muito mais o léxico russo do que o chinês, com concessões russas claras como a aderência ao princípio de Uma Só China. Ao mesmo tempo, critica o Domo Dourado de Trump e condena as sanções ocidentais, um problema que afeta muito mais o Kremlin do que Pequim. Putin conseguiu a assinatura de Xi, mas nenhum cheque.

Na Guerra Fria, os Estados Unidos ocupavam o vértice superior desta dinâmica triangular, jogando China e URSS uma contra a outra. Hoje é Pequim que ocupa esse vértice, não porque manipule as duas potências, mas porque se tornou o ponto obrigatório de passagem da diplomacia global.

O fato de nenhum líder chinês ter recebido um presidente americano e um russo na mesma semana diz menos sobre hospitalidade e mais sobre o reordenamento de poder que já está em curso.

This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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