The insults and contradictions of the U.S. president at the NATO summit are forcing Europeans to accelerate toward sovereignty in respect to Washington
With his customary mixed messages and gratuitous insults aimed at leaders, Donald Trump sowed confusion again at the NATO summit that ended yesterday in Ankara, Turkey. It is not the first time, and it will not be the last. But Europe cannot just deal with his behavior with either flattery or paralysis. The solution is that Europeans must shield themselves against the Trumpist chaos and his repeatedly demonstrated desire to destroy the principles of the alliance. To this end, efforts must be speeded up toward developing real autonomy with respect to Washington.
In Ankara, Trump married spur-of-the-moment gestures with friendliness. He combined destructive words directed toward NATO with compromises that, on paper at least, reaffirmed the principles of the organization. He returned to the charge with the threat to annex the territory of an allied country, for example, Greenland. He launched attacks on Germany, France, the U.K. and Italy for criticizing his failed war against Iran. He talked about “bad people” when referring to Spain, before using a similar expression, “sick people,” to describe Iranians. However, in the same meeting in which it seemed he was going to destroy everything, he promised help to Ukraine, giving it permission to manufacture Patriot missiles. He also signed a document that underlined the obligation of collective defense. He finished by directing friendly words toward the same people he had insulted only hours earlier.
Whichever way you look at it, there is a lesson to be learned from this and other summits. It is necessary to increase the weight, responsibility and leadership of Europe in NATO. There is also an urgent need to develop armed forces and intelligence capacity, technologies and autonomous deterrents so as not to be dependent on Trump’s whims nor on his destructive strategy for transatlantic trust. It is a deep-seated change that in reality has already started. European investment in defense since 2018 has doubled from about 243 billion euros (about $277 billion) to 490 billion euros (about $558 billion) in 2025. And the leap has been even greater in Spain, a country criticized by Trump. In Spain, in the same period, investment in defense rose from about 11.6 billion euros (about $13 billion) to more than 30.6 billion (about $35 billion).
But the EU must act faster if it wants to avoid this more European NATO becoming an appendix to the strategic and industrial interests of the U.S. This is what is happening currently with the increase in military spending. Sales of U.S. arms to Europe increased from about 8.7 billion euros (about $9.9 billion) in 2020 to more than 47 billion euros (about $53.6 billion) in 2025. For Trump, keeping his vague promise of protection in exchange for a multi-billion-dollar bill at others’ expense would signify success. For Europeans, this would represent a waste that would only prolong the current uncertainty and submission to the moods of the present incumbent of the White House – and, in the future, to the geopolitical interests of Washington rather than of Europe.
Europa ante los humores de Trump
Los insultos y contradicciones del presidente de EE UU en la cumbre de la OTAN obligan a los europeos a acelerar el camino hacia la soberanía respecto a Washington
Donald Trump volvió a sembrar la confusión en la cumbre de la OTAN, que ayer concluyó en Ankara (Turquía), con sus acostumbradas ofensas gratuitas a los líderes y con mensajes contradictorios. No es la primera vez ni la será la última. Pero Europa no puede limitarse ni a la adulación ni a la parálisis ante sus comportamientos. La respuesta obliga a los europeos a blindarse ante el caos trumpista y ante su voluntad repetidamente demostrada de destruir los principios de la Alianza, y a acelerar para ello el esfuerzo hacia una verdadera autonomía respecto a Washington.
En Ankara Trump conjugó gestos extemporáneos con actitudes amistosas; palabras destructivas para la OTAN con compromisos que, al menos sobre el papel, reafirman los principios de la organización. Volvió a la carga con la amenaza de anexionarse el territorio de un país aliado como es Groenlandia, se lanzó contra Alemania, Francia, Reino Unido e Italia por criticar su fracasada guerra contra Irán, y habló de “mala gente” para referirse a España antes de usar una expresión parecida, “gente enferma” para calificar a los iraníes. Pero, en la misma reunión en la que parecía que iba a romperlo todo, prometió ayudar a Ucrania permitiéndole fabricar misiles Patriot, firmó un documento que subraya la obligación de la defensa mutua, y acabó dedicando palabras amables a los mismos que, horas antes, había insultado.
Quien quiera entender que lo entienda, pero hay una lección en esta y otras cumbres, y es la necesidad de aumentar el peso, la responsabilidad y el liderazgo de Europa en la OTAN, y la urgencia por desarrollar unas fuerzas armadas y unas capacidades de inteligencia, tecnológicas y disuasorias autónomas para no depender de los caprichos de Trump ni de su estrategia destructiva para la confianza transatlántica. Es un cambio de fondo, que en realidad ya ha empezado. La inversión en defensa de los europeos se ha duplicado desde 2018, de unos 243.000 millones de euros a 490.000 millones en 2025. Y el salto ha sido mayor aún en España, país criticado por Trump, aunque ha pasado en ese mismo período de unos 11.600 millones de euros a más de 30.600 millones.
Pero la UE deberá acelerar el paso si quiere evitar que esta OTAN más europea acabe siendo un apéndice de los intereses estratégicos e industriales de EE UU. Es lo que ocurre ahora con el aumento del gasto militar. Las compras europeas de armamento estadounidense se han elevado de unos 8.700 millones de euros en 2020 a más de 47.000 millones en 2025. Para Trump sería un éxito mantener su vaga promesa de protección a cambio de una factura multimillonaria con cargo de otros. Y para los europeos representaría un despilfarro que solo prolongaría la incertidumbre actual, el sometimiento a los humores del actual inquilino de la Casa Blanca, y en el futuro, a los intereses geopolíticos de Washington y no los propios de Europa.
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It is unacceptable that the future of Mexico would depend on the constant changes of opinion of a president who still has 2 1/2 years of governing left.
The era of political multipolarity has arrived, and a security framework based on unilateral dependence is only becoming more inadequate against complex threats.
It is unacceptable that the future of Mexico would depend on the constant changes of opinion of a president who still has 2 1/2 years of governing left.
The era of political multipolarity has arrived, and a security framework based on unilateral dependence is only becoming more inadequate against complex threats.