Proxies

With the inauguration of Colombia’s new president, yet another puppet has been added to the ample list of right-leaning Latin American volunteers. Proud to surrender what little sovereignty remains, this second-rate bully — dressed like a feeble, ugly doll — rushed to hide himself among a battalion of soldiers. There, confident in their protection, he asked for their support in governing.

And thus, so brusquely, he began his term in office. The few ideas he has initiated merely reinforce his desire to combat crime by marching forward with rifles — nothing new in the long history of fighting rebels, drug producers and traffickers witnessed and endured by this South American country. The long and painful saga of deaths, instability and abuses is also nothing new, led by the elite who have embedded themselves in the very soul of much of society.

Abelardo de la Espriella, so eager for his pleas to be heard beyond his own borders, like so many others from that region, has set his sights on the United States — where Donald Trump, his role model and inspiration for the venture he has just embarked upon, lives, threatens, invades and amasses wealth. Espriella asks, in nuanced tones, for Trump’s understanding, guidance and support for what the Colombian president says lies ahead for him.

And in return, Espriella offers his support to a group forming alliances with several neighbors who call themselves the “Shield of the Americas” — a group of similarly submissive, self-righteous individuals who will line up to serve in a transnational military force to combat drug trafficking. On its front line is Javier Milei from turbulent Argentina, already a prominent figure and star on the scene, eager to push his country and its people to the brink of despair. But he isn't the only one sharing the spotlight: Ecuador's Daniel Noboa, Bolivia's Rodrigo Paz, Chile's José Antonio Katz, and others have triumphantly entered the picture.

Clearly, it is easy to predict that this merry band will bring nothing good to their fellow citizens, who will instead be treated to a barrage of strident outbursts and chaos. Colombia’s Espriella immediately changed the country’s foreign policy toward Morocco and Israel — changes that will have little or no international impact, amounting to nothing but wild, insignificant outbursts in the fleeting glory of a novice.

Nonetheless, this phenomenon of change in South America deserves serious and urgent attention. These countries will provide the political backing Trump will rely upon in whatever “emergency” he has in mind. Furthermore, Brazil and Mexico are the only two countries with divergent ideological positions, thorns in the side not only for Trump but for his entire inner circle.

Many of them must be handled with care, both because of their lofty status and lack of common sense and because of their well-known inability to effectively perform with integrity.

For quite some time, the upcoming electoral battle awaiting Lula da Silva in Brazil has represented yet another example of Trump-style interventionism. Just as it has in each country that has held elections, U.S. interference has been a decisive factor in the electoral victory of right-leaning candidates. Cases like Argentina’s were paradigmatic, the withdrawal of $20 billion in aid necessary for that country’s survival.

We can hope that the Brazilian people and their president will be able to weather what lies ahead; however, we must not sit idly by, waiting to see what happens. Lula needs help, and Mexico can neither progress nor sustain itself in isolation. Today, together, they effectively counterbalance the influence of Trump’s other allies. But if Claudia Sheinbaum and Mexico were to go it alone politically and geopolitically, they would face insurmountable risk and pressure. It will be necessary to implement a completely different course of action. We are aware that President Sheinbaum is considering a visit to Brazil. She should do so for many and varied reasons and for the sake of stability itself.

Lula has built a broad base of support in international forums and agreements, is widely respected, and is held in high esteem. His influence in the BRICS+ countries is widely recognized. Sheinbaum cannot do without such backing. For many years, these two countries — vital to Latin America — have lived apart. They have eyed each other with suspicion and competed for leadership without meaning to.

That history must be left behind. Much will depend on whether da Silva and Sheinbaum can find common ground for a path toward mutual goals and initiatives. The two major oil companies in these two countries are charting a promising course that should complement and strengthen existing social initiatives. The fight against poverty can certainly be strengthened through joint efforts. Both nations thrive on folklore, a vibrant and vital force for fostering connections. In short, they will have no shortage of areas for action. Time is of the essence.