The Two Forces in Obama’s Diplomatic Team

Published in Lianhe Zaobao
(Singapore) on 17 March 2009
by Chen Youwei (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Edward Seah. Edited by Katy Burtner.
Right after he became President of the United States, Barack Obama gathered talents from various quarters to form his diplomatic team, and Senator Hillary Clinton and General James Jones were appointed as the secretary of state and United States national security advisor, respectively. Many of the high-ranking officials in their service were the brains for President Bill Clinton when he was in office.

Mr. Obama had two points of consideration for selecting Hillary Clinton to be the secretary of state. One was that she had greatly supported Mr. Obama as a form of political repayment after she lost during the primary election. The other was to fully utilize her training, experience and prestige in the political arena. As Hillary Clinton had accompanied President Clinton on his many visits as the first lady, as well as having been a member of the Senate Armed Service Committee for many years, she had experienced the many changes in global situations and was rather deeply involved in U.S. diplomacy. 

Obama seeks to enhance the National Security Council's decision-making capability

Mr. Obama's reason for recruiting General Jones, who had served as the commander-in-chief of the NATO military forces and the commandant of the Marine Corps, was that he is an independent thinker and has the air of a scholar-general, is gentle in nature and steady in his manner and way of handling things.

Gen. Jones graduated from the United States Military Academy and studied international relations at Washington's renowned Georgetown University School of Foreign Service. After he retired from the military ranks, he joined the boards of directors at Boeing and Chevron. As a military personnel, he once sternly criticized Bush's impoliteness in the Iraq War and rebuked the hawkish U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld for “systematically castrating” the U.S.'s military functions. He had declined to take up the post of commander of the U.S. Central Command and had also declined Condoleezza Rice's invitation to succeed Robert Zoellick as the deputy secretary of state.

The U.S. National Security Council was first founded in 1947. It started out as a group of secretaries in the earliest incarnation of the White House and developed into an important policy-making organization, comprised of over ten Interagency Working Groups (IWG) and over 200 aides and staff. Its office, however, is not located in the White House, but in a gray administrative building nearby, known affectionately as the Old White House.

According to the Washington Post, Mr. Obama paid great attention to the National Security Council after he came into office. He decided to increase its membership to enhance its policy-making function, revised domestic and foreign policies in order to rectify the serious errors of the Bush administration, and endowed the National Security Council with greater authority.

In terms of responsibilities, the secretary of state focuses on the external and in execution, whereas the national security advisor focuses on the internal and in planning. Both sides must share the work and coordinate with each other under the direct leadership of the president to execute U.S. global foreign policy.

Hillary Clinton wants to be the chief U.S. diplomat

The reality, however, was that the very ambitious Hillary Clinton stated clearly during the State Department's welcome party that “the U.S. diplomacy has three legs: national defense, diplomacy, and development. We are responsible for two of them.” The State Department under her charge was going to change its old ways of concerning themselves only with politics and nothing else and to extend the scope of diplomacy to areas like the economy, military, politics, law and even culture.

In light of Hillary's thinking, even if she did not make it public, it was obvious that she wanted the State Department to be above all the other departments in the U.S. that were engaged in foreign affairs, and it should also certainly not be below the National Security Council.

Since taking up the job, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton started U.S. Smart Power diplomatic activities in an aggressive manner. Hillary went on three consecutive whirlwind tours, starting with Japan, South Korea and China in Asia, then to the Middle East, and subsequently to Europe, thereby sufficiently exhibiting the fact that she is not inferior to any man, as well as the loftiness of wanting to become the chief diplomat for the U.S.

In reality, as the right-hand men for the president's diplomacy, conflicts and friction between the two parallel organizations that were the State Department and the National Security Council had long been known to the world as indispensable interludes in Washington's political arena.

Many past Secretaries of State had lost their power

In the ‘60s, President John F. Kennedy appointed Harvard University Dean of Faculty McGeorge Bundy as the U.S. national security advisor, causing Secretary of State David Dean Rusk to lose his power. During the Nixon era, Henry Kissinger gained favor in the eyes of President Nixon for his skillful handling of the strategic triangle relation between the U.S., the U.S.S.R and China, to the point that he even had disregard for Secretary of State William P. Rogers. Kissinger was answerable to only one man, and not only was he able to have direct phone access to London, Paris and Bonn, but he had also opened a private diplomatic channel secretly outside of the State Department and had secret diplomatic communications with the U.S.S.R, Northern Vietnam and China.

In order to hide things from the State Department, Kissinger deliberately prepared three versions of his trip to Pakistan to be made public. He treated Rogers' State Department as a rival and kept Rogers out of key policies. As he had also shut out the other units, the U.S. Central Command had no other choice but to plant a spy in the White House to find out what Kissinger and his gang were up to.

When he was appointed the secretary of state by Nixon in 1973, the wily Kissinger actually merged the appointments of national security advisor and secretary of state into one. He monopolized U.S. diplomacy and delegated the routine duties of the National Security Council to his deputy Brent Scowcroft.

Scowcroft later became George Bush Sr.'s national security advisor. Though Scowcroft had kept a low profile, he had played a far more important role than that of a secretary of state. During the 1963 Tiananmen Square incident, he was the only one in his office who could get on the phone with the Zhongnanhai. He also made a secret visit to Beijing as a special envoy for the president to meet Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese leaders.

Things changed during the Clinton era as Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and National Security Advisor Sandy Berger were both relatively low profile. Berger would have lunch or breakfast once every week with Albright and Secretary of Defense William Cohen. When he went on visits, the State Department would send people to accompany him, and when Albright went on her visits, she would be followed by people sent by the National Security Council. Both of them made a pact not to chide each other publicly and to reprove oneself when necessary. If either side made a slip, they were to inform one another in private beforehand.

As for the George Bush Jr. era, everyone could see that Secretary of State Colin Powell was not as close to and trusted by the president as Condoleezza Rice was. It was no wonder that he resigned from office even before his term was up.

Who will be the U.S.'s leading diplomat?

The spotlight is now on Clinton and Jones. How will things be between the two of them? Jones will undoubtedly play the part of Kissinger, and so he expressed that he would follow Scrowcroft's example and be an “honest broker” and avoid employing methods that strained relations as in the past. However, he also said that there will be “dramatic changes” in his National Security Council compared to the past and his function would extend into the areas of energy, climate changes and even to the construction of nationwide infrastructure. This means to say that the scope of his functions and power would overlap with Hillary Clinton's, which will inevitably cause a relapse of the division and frictions between the White House and the State Department. Which of them will take the lead in the new power struggle between the two organizations and be the top diplomat would depend on the extent of Clinton's and Jones' run-ins with each other, and even more so on President Obama's skills and resolve.


奥巴马外交班子的两套人马

奥巴马就任美国总统之后,网罗各方人才组建外交班子。参议员希拉里(希拉莉)与琼斯将军分别被委任为国务卿与白宫国家安全事务助理。他们手下多名高官,皆为克林顿总统时期的智囊人物。

  奥巴马挑选希拉里为国务卿有两方面的考虑,一是对她在总统初选失利后大力支持奥巴马给予政治回报,二是充分利用希拉里在美国政坛的历练、经验与人望。因为希拉里当过两任第一夫人伴随克林顿多次出访,又担任参院军事委员会成员多年,对世局变化有所体会,对美国外交卷入颇深。

  

奥巴马要加强国安会决策功能

  起用曾经担任过北约军队总司令与美国海军陆战队司令的琼斯,则是因为他具有独立见解和儒将风度,性格温和,作风沉稳,处事稳妥。据说他能不拘泥于意识形态因素,不受来自左右两方面的干扰,专心于从战略策略角度冷静思考问题,从实际情况出发进行决策。

  琼斯毕业于美国军事学院,曾在华盛顿著名的乔治城大学外交学院进修国际关系。从军事岗位退休之后参加过波音公司与雪弗莱公司的董事局。作为军人,他曾严词批评布什的伊拉克战争失策,指责鹰派国防部长拉姆斯菲尔德对美国军队职能进行“系统性阉割”。他拒绝出任参谋长联席议主席,并谢绝赖斯要他接替佐立克为副国务卿的邀请。

  美国的国家安全委员会最早成立于1947年。它从最初白宫的一个小秘书班子发展到今天拥有十几个部际小组(IWG)与200多名幕僚人员的重要决策机构。然而它的办公室并不设在白宫,而在邻近的一栋灰色行政大楼,俗称老白宫。

  据《华盛顿邮报》透露,奥巴马担任总统之后对国家安全委员会十分重视。决定扩大成员加强决策功能,针对布什政府的严重错误调整内外政策,并赋予国家安全委员会更大的权威性。

  从外交分工上说,应该是国务卿主外重在执行,国家安全事务助理主内重在决策。双方必须在总统直接领导之下分工合作相互协调,推行美国的全球外交政策。

  

希拉里要当美国外交总管

  但实际的情况却是,雄心万丈的希拉里在国务院欢迎会上开宗明义地宣布:“美国外交政策具有三条腿:国防、外交与发展。我们要对其中两条负责”。在她掌管下的国务院,要改变过去只问政治,不顾其他的做法,把外交的范围延伸到经济、军事、政治、法律以至文化领域。

  按照希拉里的设想,尽管她没有公开表达,但明摆着的是要使国务院凌驾于美国所有对外关系部门之上,当然也不能屈居于白宫国家安全委员会之下。

  自从上任以来,希拉里以咄咄逼人之势大力开展美国“巧实力”的外交活动。从亚洲日韩中三国到中东再赴欧洲,希拉里连续进行了三次旋风式的出访,充分显示了她巾帼不让须眉,要当美国外交总管的高姿态。

  实际上,作为总统外交的哼哈二将,国务院与国家安全委员会这两个平行机构的矛盾与磨擦, 早已成为华盛顿政坛不可缺少的插曲而风闻于世了。

  

多任国务卿大权旁落

  上个世纪60年代,肯尼迪擢拔哈佛大学教务长邦迪为白宫国家安全事务助理,使国务卿腊斯克大权旁落。到了尼克松(尼逊)时期,基辛格由于对美苏中战略大三角关系处理得心应手而受宠于总统,更不把国务卿罗杰斯放在眼里。他的地位在一人之下,万人之上,不但可以通过直线电话与与伦敦、巴黎、波恩直接对话,而且在国务院之外开辟了一条“暗渡陈仓”的私下外交通道,与苏联、北越和中国进行秘密外交。

  为了对国务院进行隐瞒,他故意对自己的巴基斯坦之行准备了三套对外吹风的版本。他把罗杰斯的国务院当作劲敌,将其排除在关键决策之外。由于他排斥其他单位,参谋长联席会议不得不设法安插一个“间谍”进白宫去摸底,打听基辛格他们究竟在干什么。

  当他1973年被尼克松任命为国务卿时,老谋深算的基辛格居然把白宫国家安全事务特别助理与国务卿合而为一,由他一个人独揽美国外交大权,而把白宫的国家安全事务日常工作留给副手斯考克罗夫特去干。

  后来斯考克罗夫特成了老布什的国家安全事务助理。虽然他不事张扬,却扮演了远比国务卿更为重要的角色。在六四天安门事件期间,只有他才能在办公桌上随手拿起电话与中南海通话,并且以总统特使身份衔命秘密访问北京,会见邓小平与中国领导人。

  克林顿时期的情况有所变化,因为国务卿奥尔伯莱特与白宫国家安全事务助理伯格两人都比较低调。伯格每周与奥布赖特和国防部长科亨共进一次午餐或早餐。他出访时由国务院派人跟随,奥尔布赖特出访则由国安会官员跟踪。双方约法三章,互不公开指责,必要时有所自责,如果对方有人出纰漏,事先要在内部打招呼。

  至于小布什时期,国务卿鲍威尔的地位不如总统亲信赖斯,为人所共见的事情。难怪他在任期届满之前就挂冠而去。

  

谁将执美国外交的牛耳

  现在轮到希拉里与琼斯了,他们的关系究竟会如何?琼斯肯定无疑扮演基辛格的角色,因此表明他将遵循斯考克罗夫特的榜样,充当一个“诚实的掮客”,避免过去那种把关系搞得剑拔弩张的做法。但他又说他的国家安全委员会与过去相比将有“戏剧性的改变”,其职能将扩展到能源、气候变化以至全国范围的基础设施建设。这就等于他的职权范围要与希拉里有所交叉,难免会旧病复发,引起白宫与国务院之间的分歧和摩擦。究竟谁将在白宫与国务院之间新的一场权力争夺战中占上风,执美国外交的牛耳,这将取决于琼斯与希拉里双方的磨合程度,更取决于奥巴马这位新总统的手腕和决断。
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