“North Korea-US Deal” Theory Is Not Trustworthy

Published in Sohu
(China) on 28 February 2013
by Cao Shi Gong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Andrea Shen. Edited by Mary Young.
Huanqiu published an article indicating that North Korea-U.S. relations may suddenly warm up the other day, which attracted a lot of attention. The author’s theories were based on a “North Korea-U.S. Deal” theory. The central idea is that North Korea and the U.S. are likely to solve the North Korea nuclear problem privately. In this deal, North Korea becomes the U.S.’ “important target of the united front.” The U.S. admits that North Korea is a “nuclear weapon state” under the condition that North Korea promises to join its front to contain China. On Feb. 26, the American basketball team arrived at Pyongyang as representatives, which seemed to provide the latest evidence for this argument. However, the author thinks that North Korea and the U.S. “maintain contact” with each other at most. Alleviation of tensions is superficial; both countries’ current contradictions do not improve. As for a “deal,” this is not the kind that a basketball team could make.

First of all, it is impossible for the U.S. to disunite China and North Korea by taking advantage of the deal of “denuclearization.” The core idea of the U.S. Asia-Pacific Strategy is to strengthen and intensify U.S. hegemony status. Containing China is the most important of all tasks, but it is absolutely not the only task. For example, intensifying alliances and nonproliferation are the two major matters the U.S. should not look down upon, since leaving either one of them out will endanger the enforcement of its “pivot to Asia” strategy. However, the price the U.S. must pay to close the “North Korea-U.S. Deal” is to admit North Korea’s status of “nuclear weapon state,” which means that the U.S. must give up denuclearization of the peninsula. The results of this are too much for the Americans to take. The first is the legalization of North Korea’s possession of nuclear weapons, which once again creates a big weakness for the International Nonproliferation System and sets a bad example: If North Korea can achieve permission to have nuclear weapons through endless and reckless fighting as well as by political deals, why couldn’t other countries do the same? In doing so, will the U.S. have a sense of security? Where is its international authority? The second involves Korea’s foundations of national security and north and south reunification as well as its consideration of long-term benefits. Previously the U.S. had announced again and again that “it will definitely not tolerate North Korea having nuclear weapons.” If, at this point, the U.S. disregards this proclamation to ruin a deal with South Korea’s old enemy and sacrifices denuclearization of the peninsula, it will only push South Korea to completely abandon the U.S.-South Korea Alliance and take the path of nuclear weapons. The U.S. is clever and well-experienced. Could it do this — a lose-lose deal?

From the viewpoint of North Korea, although it has “burning expectations” from its relations with the U.S., it will not go so far as to be reckless and end up surrendering to the enemy country. Even if it really has to do this deal, it should find out whether it has really won the trust of the U.S., who always treats North Korea as a “rogue” and “rascal.” Also, North Korea should make clear its authority and verify whether the U.S. is willing to take the risk of fighting against China for an unreliable promise. China is one of North Korea’s few friends in today’s world. It has been an important source of strength to help North Korea get through economic crises and political isolation over the past few decades as well. As a result, it is impossible for North Korea not to take China’s reaction into consideration. The conclusion is: A “North Korea-U.S. Deal” cannot become North Korea’s political option.

Of course, we cannot exclude the possibility of the U.S. trying to think of a plan for North Korea, or deny the illusions North Koreans have about the U.S. Nevertheless, we should see that while a “North Korea-U.S.” deal could potentially exist as a strategy, it is difficult for this deal to become a reality. “North Korea-United States Deal” Theory blackens North Korea’s name as an ungrateful villain uniting with the U.S. to contain China. When it comes to disunity in China-North Korea relations, this is definitely the best example. As North Korea conducted a third nuclear weapons test, and “Hopelessness” and “Failure” theories have quietly emerged with regard to the denuclearization of the peninsula, the “North Korea-U.S. Deal” Theory would only further muddy the waters, obscuring the goal of denuclearization of the peninsula and staggering international society’s resolution and solidification. We should therefore be soberly aware of and firmly opposed to this subject.


The author is a research committee member at the institute of the North Korean Peninsula — Chinese Academy of Asia-Pacific Studies.


曹世功:“朝美交易论”是不靠谱的

《环球时报》日前刊登《朝美关系可能突然缓和》一文,引起不少关注。作者立论的根据是“朝美交易”论,核心是朝美两家可能通过私下交易的方式解决朝鲜核问题。在这个交易里,朝鲜成为美国“重要的统战对象”,美以承认朝“有核国家”地位的条件,换取朝鲜答应加入美国阵线共同遏制中国。26日,美国篮球代表团抵达平壤,似乎在为这一论点提供最新佐证。但笔者认为,美朝充其量只是“保持接触”,缓和是表象,双方的实际矛盾并无改善,至于“交易”更不是一个篮球队就能办得了的。

  首先,美国分化中朝不可能拿无核化做交易。强化、巩固霸权地位是美国亚太战略的核心,遏制中国固然是其最重要的课题,但绝非唯一课题,比如,加固同盟纽带和防扩散就是美不可轻视的两大要务,其中任何一个出了问题都会危及其“重返亚洲”战略的实施。然而,美国达成“朝美交易”的代价是必须承认朝“有核国家”地位,即放弃半岛无核化,这样做的后果是美国难以承受的。一是朝拥核合法化,将再次给国际防扩散体系打开一个大缺口,并树立又一个恶劣的先例:既然朝鲜靠死磕硬拼加政治交易可以拥核,其他国家有何不可?如此一来,美国会有安全感吗?其国际威信又何在?二是韩国从国家安全、南北统一的根本和长远利益考虑,一再宣布“绝不容许朝鲜拥核”,假如美国置此于不顾,以牺牲半岛无核化同韩国的宿敌搞交易,其结果只能导致韩彻底摈弃韩美同盟,并且决然走上核武装道路。以美国的精明和老道,难道它会做这笔只输不赢的赔本买卖吗?

  从朝鲜来看,尽管它对与美改善关系抱有“炽热的期待”,但还不至于不计后果、走到投靠敌国的地步。即使它真要做这笔交易,那也得先弄清楚历来将朝鲜视为“流氓”、“无赖”的美国是否能够信得过它,弄明白自己的分量以及美国能否为一个不靠谱的承诺甘冒与中国对抗的风险。中国是朝鲜在当今世界上为数不多的朋友,是这几十年来支撑朝鲜度过经济危机和政治孤立的重要力量,朝鲜不可能不认真考虑中国可能做出的反应。结论是,“朝美交易”也不可能成为朝鲜的政策选项。

  当然,不能排除美国试图打朝鲜的主意,或朝鲜内部有人对美国抱有幻想;但应看到,“朝美交易”只能作为一种谋略存在,而很难成为现实。“朝美交易”论将朝鲜抹黑成为忘恩负义、联美制华的丑类,要说“分化中朝关系”,莫此为甚。随着朝鲜第三次核试,有关半岛无核化“无望论”和“失败论”悄然抬头,在这一时刻,“朝美交易”论所起的作用只能是进一步把水搅浑,模糊半岛无核化的目标,动摇国际社会的决心和团结,对此应有清醒认识并坚决反对。(作者是中国亚太学会朝鲜半岛研究会研究委员)
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