Conflict in the West Pacific: Unmasking American 'Smart Power'

Published in The China Times
(Taiwan) on 30 May 2013
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Chris Basham.
Former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was a strong proponent of "smart power." This so-called "smart power" consists of the U.S. instigating disputes over sovereignty in the East and South China Seas between China and other countries, then reaping the benefits that follow at no cost to itself.

Following China's decline in the modern age, it lost control over its maritime territories. After World War II, with Taiwan and China divided, the Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea and the Spratlys in the South both lay within the "Taiwan area of the Republic of China." Unable to even take back mainland China, however, the Republic of China lacked the wherewithal to effectively administer those islands. The mainland government, meanwhile, was preoccupied with its "three-anti" and "five-anti" campaigns, the Cultural Revolution and the "liberation of Taiwan," and was likewise unable to exert any influence over the islands. As a result, besides Japan's occupation of the Diaoyu, many islands in the South China Sea which had always belonged to China were also snatched away by Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and other states, while Taiwan held onto the Spratlys' Taiping Island.

Japan, the Philippines and Vietnam have all responded to Clinton's "smart power" strategy. Her efforts to inflame issues of sovereignty between China and those countries have indeed had the desired effect, essentially allowing the U.S. to conduct business in the region without any need for investment of its own. The aforementioned islands still fall within the Taiwan area of the Republic of China. As president of the Republic of China, can Ma Ying-jeou claim no stake in or turn a blind eye to the occupation of his government's sovereign territory in the Taiwan area?

Since last year, the Diaoyu Islands issue has become increasingly "nationalized," and the fishing season is now approaching once more. Still, Ma was willing to risk crossing Chinese on both sides of the strait with his staunch refusal to join forces with the mainland to protect Diaoyu. But this led to other questions: When Taiwanese fishermen ventured into traditional fishing grounds, would they be expelled or arrested? If Japan did not act, would they be abandoning their claim to sovereignty? If Japan did take action and mainland Chinese ships came to the defense of Taiwanese fishing boats, could the fishermen reject their help? What if Japan opened fire upon those mainland Chinese ships? If Ma made Taiwanese fishermen accept protection from mainland ships, would he be ousted from the presidency? Consequently, Ma would have to dispatch the coast guard to protect fishermen, but what if Japan fired upon the Taiwanese coast guard?

During the Cold War, Taiwan was situated within the central link of the island chain that comprised America's first line of defense in the West Pacific. If Taiwan and China collaborate to protect Diaoyu, that line is broken. Accordingly, under pressure from the U.S., Japan has quickly moved to sign a fishing agreement with Taiwan prior to the start of the fishing season.

Hereafter, although Taiwanese fishermen will not be permitted to land on the islands in the traditional Diaoyu fishing grounds, they will also not be expelled. In other words, Japan will not expel Taiwanese fishing boats to "safeguard" its sovereignty over Diaoyu, which is to say that Taiwanese fishermen need no longer quarrel with the Japanese or require protection, much less require Taiwan to unite in common cause with China. Short of opening fire, Japan has no means of warding off the regular patrols of mainland Chinese vessels, and again, will not expel Taiwanese fishing boats in a show of protecting its sovereignty. If this situation holds, Taiwan and Japan will have no further conflict over Diaoyu, and neither will Japan and China come to blows. Although much controversy exists at the heart of the Diaoyu issue, it has largely been peaceful. For the time being, at least, there is no conflict between Taiwan and Japan; the danger of an armed clash between Japan and China has been defused.

Clinton wished to use Diaoyu as bait in her smart power strategy to incite conflict between China and Japan. Although President Ma declared that Taiwan and China are not joining together, Ma's insistence on protecting fishermen around Diaoyu has weakened that statement.

Additionally, although the Philippines ultimately backed down from a standoff with mainland China over Huangyan Island that lasted over a month, one of its ships raked fire across Taiwanese fishing boat Guang Da Xing No. 28 on May 9, killing fisherman Hung Shih-cheng. Preliminary reports following the incident stated that an "unknown vessel" of the Philippines had fired upon one of our fishing boats. Initially, after meeting with Jiang Yi-huah to discuss the matter, Ma directed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to express the administration's serious concern and request that the Philippines immediately investigate the details of the incident to bring the killers to justice. Apart from this, Beijing's Taiwan Affairs Office and the Republic of China Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued rare synchronous and mutually aligned statements, both condemning the attack and requesting an investigation, as well as punitive action against the killers.

The U.S. favors the Philippines in its spat with Taiwan, but neither can Washington allow the issue to push Taiwan into an alliance with mainland China. In truth, this U.S. position is identical to the one that it maintains in disagreements between Taiwan and Japan.

Obviously, the U.S. is aware that the Spratly and Diaoyu Islands are the same, in that both in fact fall within the Taiwan area of the Republic of China. Washington wishes to utilize the Spratlys to strike a blow at Chinese sovereignty, but Taiwan has ultimately been the one to suffer the most. Therefore, it is not Taiwan that has persisted in antagonizing U.S. allies, but precisely the opposite. Since the U.S. does not view Taiwan as an ally, Taiwan has no need to treat the U.S. as one. In the end, is this more dangerous to Taipei or to Washington?

As of yet, there is no way of knowing whether or not the conflict between Taiwan and the Philippines will be resolved in similar fashion to Diaoyu and will be decided through negotiations on fisheries. If the situation escalates without resolution, the U.S. will be forced to pick a side, which would clearly put them in a difficult position. The strategic focus of the U.S. is mainland China, not Taiwan, but the situation has been forced upon us. Can the U.S. "return to Asia" build a new line of containment around mainland China?

If in the end Taiwan and the Philippines also reach a fishing agreement, the Philippines will cease to be at odds with the Republic of China over the "Taiwan area" and will subsequently also have no quarrel with the Republic of China over sovereignty relating to the "mainland area." The South China Sea will be quiet once more, but what then will the U.S. seize upon next to stir up tensions between the Philippines and China?

The U.S. "return to Asia" is meant to contain the mainland. Regardless of the amount of "smart power" leveraged, however, it cannot hope to succeed; in addition to various macro-level factors, Taiwan is a big reason why.


 美國前國務卿希拉蕊有「巧實力」。所謂「巧實力」就是在東海和南海,挑起各國與中國的領土主權之爭,以坐收漁人之利。

 自從近代中國衰微以來,就無力經營海疆。戰後,兩岸分裂,東海的釣魚台列嶼和南海南沙群島均屬中華民國「台灣地區」。中華民國反攻大陸猶不及,何有能力經營東海和南海各島礁;中國大陸也忙於「三反五反」、「文化大革命」和「解放台灣」,對各島礁也鞭長莫及。因此,除了日本侵占釣魚台列嶼外,南海各島礁屬中國固有領土者,也遭越南、菲律賓、馬來西亞等國竊占,台灣則占有南沙的太平島。

 響應希拉蕊「巧實力」者,有日本、菲律賓、越南。希拉蕊要挑起各國與中國領土主權之爭,果然做起無本生意的「巧實力」。東、南海各島礁還屬於中華民國的「台灣地區」。要侵占中華民國「台灣地區」的領土主權,擔任中華民國總統的馬英九能置身事外,視若無睹?

 釣魚台的「國有化」從去年鬧到今天,漁季將屆,雖然馬英九甘冒全球華人之大不韙,而堅拒「兩岸聯手保釣」。但台灣漁民湧進了傳統的釣魚台漁場海域,要不要驅逐或逮捕,若日本無所動作,是否放棄主權主張?要作為,大陸海監船護漁,台灣漁民能不接受嗎?日本對大陸海監船開火?馬英九讓台灣漁民接受大陸海監船的護漁,馬英九的總統還要不要幹?故馬也必須海巡艦護漁,那麼日本對台灣海巡艦開火?

 冷戰時期台灣處於美國西太平洋鏈島防線的中央環節,兩岸一連手保釣,美國的鏈島防線即「斷鏈」。所以,在美國的壓力下,日本才在漁季前,匆匆簽下台日漁業協議。

 從此,台灣漁民在釣魚台傳統海域除了不能登島外,不再受驅逐。換言之,即日本不再以驅逐台灣漁船來「保衛」釣魚台主權,也就是,台灣漁民不必和日本衝突,而需要任何一方保護,更不需要兩岸聯手護漁。除非開火,日本無法驅逐大陸海監船的常態巡航,又不會驅逐台灣漁民以示「保衛」主權。長此以往,台日固無保釣的衝突,中日也不因保釣開火,釣魚台問題回歸原點雖有爭議,但處於和平,至少近期內,沒有台日衝突,也就不再成為中日衝突的爆發點。

 希拉蕊要以釣魚台為餌作為挑撥中日衝突的「巧實力」,雖然馬英九宣稱兩岸「不聯手」,但卻在馬英九堅持保釣護漁下,破功了。

 另外,菲律賓在黃岩島和大陸船艦對峙一個多月後退卻,但卻在五月九日,掃射台灣「廣大興廿八號」漁船,漁民洪石成中彈身亡。事發後,最初消息是菲「不明船隻」開槍掃射我漁船。第一時間,馬英九與江宜樺會商後,即指示外交部向菲國表態嚴正關切,要求菲方必須立即查明真相,將凶手繩之以法。此外,北京國台辦和外交部,也罕見的雙雙發表聲明,同聲譴責,要求查明真相,懲辦凶手。

 美國在台菲衝突上,立場袒菲,又不能讓台菲衝突而迫使兩岸聯手,其實是和台日衝突的美國立場是一致的。

 美國當知道,南沙島礁和釣魚台列嶼一樣,其實是屬於中華民國「台灣地區」,要以南沙島礁衝擊中國主權,首當其衝的是中華民國「台灣地區」。所以,不是台灣卯上美國的盟邦,而是美國的盟邦卯上台灣。美國既不把台灣當「盟邦」,台灣也不必把美國當盟邦了。這究竟是對台北威脅還是對華盛頓的威脅?

 台菲衝突是否其最後解決和釣魚台一樣,落實到台菲漁業談判,我們尚不得而知。如衝突升高而不得解決,美國則得在台菲之間選邊,這當是讓美國頭疼的事情。美國的戰略對象是大陸,不是台灣,現在卻被迫轉移到台灣來,美國「重返亞洲」,能對大陸築起新的圍堵?

 如果台菲最後也來個漁業協定,菲律賓不會和中華民國「台灣地區」發生主權衝突,就不會和中華民國「大陸地區」發生主權衝突。南中國海將無風也無浪,但美國又要拿什麼來挑撥菲律賓和中國大陸的衝突?

 所以,美國「重返亞洲」意欲對大陸新圍堵,有再多的「巧實力」,也是不能成功的,不能成功的因素除了宏觀的理由外,還有台灣因素在內。
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Germany: Donald Trump Is Damaging the US

Taiwan: The Beginning of a Post-Hegemonic Era: A New Normal for International Relations

Canada: Trump vs. Musk, the Emperor and the Oligarch

Topics

Germany: Donald Trump’s Military Intervention in LA Is a Planned Escalation

Mexico: Migration: A Political Crisis?

Poland: Los Angeles Riots: Battle for America’s Future

Germany: Donald Trump Is Damaging the US

Canada: President Trump, the G7 and Canada’s New ‘Realistic’ Foreign Policy

Taiwan: The Beginning of a Post-Hegemonic Era: A New Normal for International Relations

Canada: Trump vs. Musk, the Emperor and the Oligarch

Mexico: Big Tech and the Police State

Related Articles

Taiwan: 2 Terms Won’t Satisfy Trump

Taiwan: Making America Great Again and Taiwan’s Crucial Choice

Japan: US-Japan Defense Minister Summit: US-Japan Defense Chief Talks Strengthen Concerns about Single-Minded Focus on Strength

Taiwan: A Brief Look at Trump’s Global Profit Grab

Taiwan: Taipei Must Act To Soften Trade Blows