America: In Your Pivot to Asia, Careful You Don't Sprain Your Back

Published in The People's Daily
(China) on 23 November 2013
by Zhang Hong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
In 2011, former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton coined the phrase "pivot to Asia." Now, it has become a core focus of the Obama administration's foreign policy.

In the wake of the severe damage inflicted by super Typhoon Haiyan's passage over the Philippines, the U.S. has poured an enormous amount of effort into disaster relief operations. This has included money, an aircraft carrier, cruisers and amphibious ships; in flexing its muscles, the U.S. has demonstrated the unparalleled soft power wielded by a superpower. The Western media has further painted the U.S. as the indispensable hero of today's world through a series of disparagements against China.

But in this world, there is no such thing as unconditional love. The United States' exertions in the Philippines have been interpreted by a variety of experts, as well as many in the media — including mainstream U.S. outlets — as the Western power jumping at the chance to strengthen U.S.-Philippine military ties in the midst of disaster relief operations, and thus advance a step further in its "pivot to Asia."

Due to last month's impasse at home, President Obama did not attend the ASEAN summit. A number of people have lamented that Obama's absence from the meeting was a missed opportunity for the U.S. to court other nations in the Asia-Pacific region, and was thus detrimental to the implementation of the pivot strategy. Furthermore, some speculated that this had allowed China to capitalize upon the opening by flaunting its own status as a power. The result has caused no small amount of brow-furrowing within certain circles.

Haiyan has seemingly presented the U.S. with a golden opportunity to remedy this. Many reports have noted how an active and rapid response to Haiyan may be the perfect window for the U.S. to shift its center of gravity to Asia and the Pacific.

Some view developmental prospects for the U.S.-Philippine military alliance as fairly promising. Prior to 1991, the U.S. had established 23 military bases within the Philippines; it has already paved the way to reopen them.

However, things may not be as simple as all that.

Although the Obama administration has placed great emphasis on the pivot to Asia, some U.S. allies have expressed disappointment that the shift has never been fully realized. Indeed, the administration finds itself facing a number of difficulties in that area. In the United States' previous foreign policy nucleus of the Middle East, the Obama administration's unhesitating abandonment of Mubarak, iterative stance on the Syrian issue and proactive engagement with Iran have all come as a chill wind blowing over its traditional Middle Eastern allies. The fear of being neglected or even abandoned by their "master" has given rise to all manner of remonstrations from these allies in their appeals for greater attention. The U.S. is now caught up in several entanglements that it would very much like to extract itself from, but cannot.

In the Asia-Pacific region, negotiations over the U.S.-led Trans-Pacific Partnership have proven difficult. Not only has it been a challenge to address the interests of all parties involved in an impartial fashion, but the U.S. has more recently also run up against domestic obstacles. Accusations of insufficient transparency and hurting U.S. interests have become the latest stumbling blocks for the TPP.

Despite the overwhelming praise from Western media on the United States' role in providing disaster relief to the Philippines, there exist dissenting opinions that, while minor, cannot be overlooked. Some have pointed to the limited practical significance of involving naval vessels in disaster relief operations. The use of helicopters has been unable to resolve the problem of supplies piling up; C-130s have not been able to evacuate large amounts of survivors quickly. Some victims have also said that what is needed from the U.S. instead is professional doctors and dedicated volunteers. It is hard to criticize disaster relief efforts too strongly. However, lacing excessive political elements within humanitarian relief is, after all, somewhat less than honorable conduct.

For the U.S., the "pivot to Asia" has already been irrevocably set in motion. Now, it must seize every opportunity it can to hasten the process. But the U.S. should remember that if it "pivots" too quickly, it can easily sprain its back. More importantly, it should remember that a zero-sum mentality has no place in the modern world, and that cooperation for mutual benefit is the way of the future.


  “转向亚洲”是美国前国务卿希拉里·克林顿在2011年一篇文章中使用的词语。如今,这已经成为奥巴马政府外交政策的前进方向。

  自超级台风“海燕”重创菲律宾以来,美国就怀揣巨大热情投入了救灾。钞票、航母、巡航舰、两栖登陆舰……在大秀“肌肉”的同时,美国彰显了超级大国无与伦比的软实力。西方媒体更是通过对中国的各种贬低,把美国塑造成当今世界依然离不开的“英雄”。

  这个世界从来没有无缘无故的爱。美国这番在菲律宾的表现,被包括美国主流媒体在内的诸多媒体以及各种专家解读为美国抓住时机,在救灾的同时,加强美菲军事同盟关系,从而在落实“转向亚洲”的道路上再前进一步。

  上个月,因为国内僵局,美国总统奥巴马缺席亚太经合组织峰会。颇有一些人深以为憾,认为奥巴马的缺席使美国错失一次在亚太地区展示魅力的机会,不利于美国“转向亚洲”战略的实施;而且,认为这让中国抓住机会,得以展示大国风采。这让某些人极度不爽。

  “海燕”仿佛为美国提供了一次绝佳的补救机会。铺天盖地的报道都指出,美国对“海燕”的积极、迅速反应或将成为美国将重心转向亚太的良机。

  有人对美菲军事同盟的发展前景做出了乐观的评估:1991年之前,美国在菲律宾设有23个军事区,它已准备好将它们一一重启。

  不过,事情可能没那么简单。

  虽然奥巴马政府强调“转向亚洲”,但是有些美国的盟友对奥巴马政府表示失望,认为“转向”从未变成现实。的确,奥巴马政府面临着困难。在美国的传统外交重点领域——中东地区,奥巴马政府对穆巴拉克毫不留情的抛弃、在叙利亚问题上的反复、与伊朗之间的积极互动……都让美国在中东的传统盟友感受到了瑟瑟的秋风。被“主子”忽视甚至抛弃的恐惧让他们通过各种方式表达自己的不满、呼吁“主子”的重视。美国有些想抽身而不得的难言之隐。

  在亚太地区,美国主导的跨太平洋伙伴关系协议(TPP)谈判困难重重,不仅谈判各方之间的利益难摆平,最近又在国内遭遇阻碍。“不透明”、“损害美国利益”的指责已经成为TPP的最新“拦路虎”。

  即便在菲律宾救灾中,虽然西方媒体对美国大篇幅颂扬,但是还有一些虽微弱却不容忽视的意见。有人指出,军舰对救灾的实际意义有限。直升机没能解决物资堆积的问题,C-130也无法迅速运离大量灾民。还有受灾民众说,美国更该派来的是专业的医生和热情的志愿者。无论如何,救灾的努力无可厚非,但是,在人道救援中加入过多的政治元素,毕竟不是太光彩的行为。

  对于美国而言,“转向亚洲”大势已定。如今,美国必定努力抓住一切机会,加快推进这一进程。只是,美国应该明白,走得太急了,容易闪了腰。美国更应该明白,“零和”思维已不再适用于当今世界,合作共赢才是大方向。
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