Not the ‘Worst’ Detroit Bankruptcy

Published in Guangming Daily News
(China) on 4 December 2013
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jingwei Qian. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
Detroit’s bankruptcy is not surprising. In fact, the stagnant infrastructure and the shrinking public service showed that Detroit was going broke long ago.

Though Detroit’s bankruptcy is just a legal concept, it is an outcome of long-term political and economic policies of the Detroit City Council and the government. Nevertheless, the same or similar political and economic policies are flourishing in many other places around the world with the same industry background as Detroit, including many places in China that once promised to become China’s Detroit.

Detroit is a world famous automobile capital, where the headquarters of the Big Three U.S. automakers are based. All the Big Three U.S. automakers have considerable annual outputs, although the automotive industry is not a sunrise industry and automobiles are consumer durables with a long replacement cycle. Merely within the U.S. automobile market, more than 10 million cars are produced and sold nearly every year. Logically speaking, the place where the manufacturers with such large-scale production are based should have a very solid financial foundation and a plentiful supply of public goods, with the support of public finance. In no case should it go bankrupt.

However, Detroit did go bankrupt. In fact, Detroit started on the road to bankruptcy when Japanese automobiles, represented by Toyota, began overwhelming U.S. automobiles. From the perspective of technology, productivity and markets, the performance of U.S. automobiles is as good as that of Japanese cars. But an industry analysis in 2007 indicated that the average welfare cost that U.S. automakers paid for each car was approximately $1,000 higher than what Japanese automakers spent on labor welfare. As a result, even if the U.S. automakers could make profits, the profits would only be between $10 and $20 — or as low as a few bucks for each automobile. Under the status quo, the task of saving the U.S. automobile industry became the final burden on the Bush administration and the first tricky problem Obama had to solve.

The welfare patterns of the automakers inevitably affect the public welfare policy in Detroit where they are based. There is no doubt that the welfare patterns have profound influence on voting and a strong motivation to spread, in a city where African-Americans account for more than 80 percent of the population. In a political system where everything is determined by ballots, it is the welfare patterns that attract the most ballots from voters.

On the other hand, in the political system where everything is determined by ballots, everyone who participates in voting will be directly faced with and responsible for the results. The system represented by ballots does not necessarily produce the best results, but it is able to avoid the worst results. The best way to let the voters discern what is right or wrong on their own is to directly confront them with the results of their political participation and to let them take the consequences of their political choice.

Therefore, Detroit’s bankruptcy is not only a result of industrial change and a shift in economics, but also a result of failure in public policies and administration of the city. From another point of view, Detroit’s bankruptcy is a legally produced consequence of “protection.” The legal “bankruptcy protection” prevented anarchy and avoided the worst results, like shortage of public goods and social disorder.

Bankruptcy is a “limit” on legal liability for the debtor. The limit not only restricts the debtor’s unlimited compensation liability legally, but also restricts the creditor’s unlimited right of recourse. It requires the creditors to partly or fully take the risk of their “investment.” From the political perspective, the limit means Detroit should take the consequences of the debt problem it produced. Detroit cannot expect the state government or the federal government to waste taxpayers’ money from other places in order to stabilize the social order of Detroit, unless taxpayers from other places are willing to “lend a hand.”

On the contrary, in the places without public participation or with very limited public participation, the public is only allowed to play a passive role in enjoying the benefits of public policies or taking the consequences of policy failure. The policymakers who made the failed policies are actually blackmailing the higher levels of government by kidnapping social stability. They make every attempt to force a wider range of taxpayers to pay the bills of failed public policies in a single place, which further leads to the worst consequence — a local crisis turning into a nationwide crisis.


光明网评论员:底特律破产并不令人意外。实际上,从城市公共建设停滞以及公共服务缩水的事实来看,底特律早就破产了。

底特律破产,其意义虽只限于法律,但是,此法律结果却是底特律议会、政府的长期政治经济政策的产物。而与此相同或相似的政治经济政策,也正在与底特律有同样产业背景的世界其他地方大行其道。更不用说,中国的许多地方也曾信誓旦旦地要争当中国的底特律呢。

底特律是世界闻名的汽车之都,美国三大汽车厂商的总部所在地。虽然汽车行业并非朝阳产业,且汽车作为耐用消费品的替换周期相对较长,但是,美国三大汽车厂商的年产量仍然可观。仅在美国汽车市场,汽车产销量几乎每年都维持在千万辆以上。按说,有这等规模量产的厂商所在地,应该具备相当雄厚的公共财政基础,以及这种公共财政支撑下的城市公共产品供给,而无论如何不至于破产。

然而,底特律就是破产了。实际上,在以丰田为代表的日本汽车的风头劲压美国汽车之日起,底特律就开始了其破产进程。从技术、产能以至市场来说,美国汽车的表现并非弱于日本汽车。但是,2007年的一个产业分析表明,因为美国汽车工会的强大谈判能力,美国汽车厂商付出的福利成本,平均在每辆车上,要比日本汽车厂商在工人福利上的花费多出近1000美元。这个结果,导致美国汽车厂商即使盈利,平均在每辆汽车上,也不过为十几美元甚至不到十美元。如此现状,使得挽救美国汽车业的任务成了布什政府的最后拖累,也成了奥巴马接任后首先就必须面对的棘手问题。

汽车厂商的福利格局,不可避免地影响到了其所在地底特律的公共福利政策。不用说,在一个黑人占80以上城市人口构成比例的城市,这样的福利格局有着深厚的选票基础以及强大的扩展动力。在选票说了算的政治制度下,正是这样的福利政策,会吸走大部分民众的选票。

当然,也正是在选票说了算的制度下,每个参与投票的人,都会直接地面对和承担自己投票所选择的结果。选票所代表的制度,不一定能产生最好的结果,而只能避免最坏的结果。让投票人自己认识到好坏和是非的最好办法,就是让他们能够直接面对自己政治参与的结果,承担政治选择的后果。

因此,底特律的破产,不只是产业变化和经济带移动的结果,更是城市公共政策及其管理失败的结果。换一个角度看,底特律的破产,正是依法而产生的一个“保护”结果。这种合法的“破产保护”,避免了无政府状态的产生和公共产品断供、社会失序的最坏结果。

破产,是债务人在法律责任上“有限”的结果。这个“有限”,从法律上既限制了债务人的无限赔偿责任,也限制了债权人的无限追偿权利,让债权人承担其“投资”的部分或全部风险。从政治的层面讲,“有限”的意义更在于底特律所产生的债务问题,应由底特律自己来承担,而不会由州政府或联邦政府出于稳定底特律社会秩序的需要,而花费其他地方的纳税人的钱,除非其他地方的纳税人表示愿意“拉兄弟一把”。

当然,在没有公共参与或公共参与范围有限的地方,公众只能被动地享受公共政策所带来的好处,或者承担公共政策失败所产生的结果。而失败公共政策的制定者,则实际上绑架了社会稳定以要挟上级政府,让更广范围内的纳税人为一地一域的失败的公共政策埋单,由此造成把局部危机扩展成全局危机的最坏结果。

(转载请注明来源“光明网”,作者“光明网评论员”)
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