Chinese President Xi Jinping will visit the United States this month to discuss national affairs. He will prove to the world that China strives for sustained and stable relations with America to set an example for the world and, especially in this political environment, to transfer power for the sake of the world’s stability and development.
After the subprime mortgage crisis, America, trapped in decline, became worried about the ever rising country of China. Another thing that worries America is that China, after causing a territorial stalemate in its seas with its Asia-Pacific rebalancing, now keeps close watch on its core interests, creating a “China anxiety complex” in Washington and posing a threat to stable U.S.-China relations.
It is against this setting that President Xi’s visit to America will help turn the negative situation around. Moreover, this is the first time in the history of U.S.-China diplomacy that a Chinese leader will visit America during its election season, which will not only invite challenges, but also have important meaning. China is bound to change the American people’s false impressions of the country, spread by politicians and the media, by being open to addressing several problems and strengthening economic cooperation. However, the development of U.S.-China relations needs both countries to set forth in the same direction.
For a long time, economy and trade have been the anchor and stabilizer of U.S.-China relations, but with the world economy not in its best state – especially since the U.S.-China economy is experiencing some disharmony, and as Washington restrains China – the countries’ close economic and trade links along with the mutual benefits these have brought are being pushed over the edge. This is a dangerous sign that the foundation of the countries’ relations is suffering heavy damage.
We believe that China has no desire to challenge the current system and no plan to Americanize its diplomacy. U.S.-China relations are still the most important relations in the world, and fighting will result in a loss for both countries and threaten global stability. Therefore, developing and maintaining peaceful relations is in the best interest of both countries.
Financial guru George Soros once warned, “The U.S. government has little to gain and much to lose by treating the relationship with China as a zero-sum game.” Similarly, China faces a difficult transition. If it does not handle its relationship with America well, it will have no way to focus its energy on reform.
Even though China and America cannot guarantee strategic trust in the development of their close economic and trade relations, stronger cooperation would definitely help build that trust. America is about to begin its elections and there is a slim chance that it will adjust its anti-China policy in the short-term. But tighter economic and cultural ties with American society are beneficial to the long-distance development of the countries’ relations. Also, as long as the world economy is at a low point, China and America have more reason to expand their market reform and prevent protectionism.
China’s high demand for American science and technology products is good for the U.S. economy’s recovery. China also wishes to invest capital in America, which requires America to open itself up to China. Other things essential to China’s promotion of change are continued expansion and reform of state-owned enterprises. Because of this, the countries must sign the U.S.-China Bilateral Investment Treaty, which would stimulate their economic development, as soon as possible. This will require courage and loyalty from both countries.
China has always been forced to deal with changes in America’s anti-China policy. The key to stable relations is America’s treatment of a rising country and whether we can build new major power relations that avoid conflict with our traditional relationship. China needs to reveal its good intentions and desire to cooperate, and America especially needs to fix its policy and make an effort to promote mutual trust.
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