The Goal: White House 2020

Published in El Periódico
(Spain) on 10 November 2018
by Ramón Lobo (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Lena Greenberg. Edited by Nkem Okafor.
Though the storm of the legislative election in the U.S. is over, the presidential hurricane remains. It doesn’t seem that Donald Trump has understood the voters’ message because listening isn’t his strong suit. He takes credit for the “big victory” in the Senate, where the Republicans increased their majority, attacks the media (evidence that nothing is going to change) and dismisses the setback in the House of Representatives, now in Democratic hands. But the era of legislative debauchery, of the White House ruling Congress, is over. Now pacts will have to be made or everything will be blocked.

The results are full of small print and warnings for both sides. There are shifts taking place in the background that could turn out to be decisive in 2020. One is mobilization. These are the first midterms (so called because they take place in the middle of the presidential term) in which the threshold of 100 million voters has been surpassed. Specifically, 113 million people voted, 48 percent of the electorate. In 2014, 39 percent voted. One of the chronic problems is abstention. The rise in early voting is great news. Close to 3.3 million voters between the ages of 18 and 29 used this mechanism, a 188 percent increase from 2014.

The Suburban Vote

There are symptoms that the coalition that carried Barack Obama to the White House in 2008, the Yes We Can, is starting to be rebuilt by women, young people and minorities. Now all that’s needed is to find a candidate capable of defeating Trump — a television animal and excellent rally-leader — who knows how to reach his electorate. Beto O’Rourke, despite his defeat in Texas, has emerged as a new, attractive name and has been added to the familiar list of Joe Biden, Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and Mike Bloomberg. Pay attention to him.

Another shift taking place is in the suburbs, divided between the urban vote, where the Democrats have an overwhelming lead, and the rural vote, where the Republicans win by 13 points. 50 percent of the electorate is concentrated in the suburbs, which have leaned toward the Republicans in the past 20 years. In 2016, Trump beat Hillary Clinton by a four percent margin.

Adele Malpass cites demographer Karlyn Bowman in an analysis published on the website Real Clear Politics. She states that the trend started to change in the less populous suburbs, especially among married women. The difference was 49 - 47 percent in favor of the Democrats. In the latest midterms, the margin has increased by ten points to 54 - 44 percent. This has to do with Trump’s sexism. The suburban vote almost led O’Rourke to pull an upset in his Texas battle against Ted Cruz, a Republican heavyweight. He lost by 2.6 percent, but he created an image for himself on a national scale.

The third shift is in Florida. Ever since the issue of the hanging chads that gave George W. Bush the presidency in 2000, it’s become the decisive state in any presidential election (without forgetting about Ohio). It’s the suspense state, where everything is decided by a few votes. Former Republican governor Rick Scott took Bill Nelson’s Senate seat by 21,986 votes, less than 0.5 percent. This is the margin that leads to an automatic recount. Don’t expect miracles, because the results don’t usually change.

The Former Convicts’ Vote

Now comes the important part. In addition to the legislative, local and gubernatorial elections in Florida, there was also a referendum on Amendment 4, which restores the right to vote for prisoners who have completed their sentences, even those who are on parole, as long as they’re not violent or sexual crimes. This affects 1.5 million people of voting age or nine percent of the Florida electorate, many of whom are minorities. In a state where everything is decided by a matter of decimal points, it could be key in 2020.

That year will bring elections for the presidency, the House of Representatives, and a third of the Senate (33 seats). The Republicans will have to defend 21 seats and the Democrats will defend 12, which is more favorable for the latter because in these past midterms they had to defend 25 seats and the Republicans eight. Two of the Republican seats that will hang in the balance are in Maine and Colorado, both states where Hillary Clinton won.

It’s realistic to think there could be turnover. It will depend on the carrying power of a good White House candidate and the work that’s done in the House of Representatives during these two years. It would be catastrophic to be partisan. The Democrats have to stop focusing on Trump alone and move on to making proposals, mobilizing and exciting American citizens.


Objetivo: Casa Blanca 2020
Los demócratas tienen que dejar atrás el monotema de Trump, pasar a la fase de proponer, de movilizar e ilusionar a los ciudadanos de EEUU.


Pasada la tormenta de las elecciones legislativas en EEUU, se mantiene el huracán presidencial. No parece que Donald Trump haya entendido el mensaje de los votantes porque su fuerte no es escuchar. Se apunta la “tremenda victoria” en el Senado --donde los republicanos han incrementado la mayoría--, ataca a los medios de comunicación (como prueba de que nada va a cambiar) y desdeña el revés en la Cámara de Representantes, en manos de los demócratas. Pero los tiempos de libertinaje legislativo, de orden y mando desde la Casa Blanca han terminado. Ahora tendrá que pactar o habrá bloqueo.

Los resultados están repletos de letra pequeña y de advertencias para ambos partidos. Hay movimientos de fondo que podrían resultar decisivos en 2020. Uno es la movilización. Son las primeras midterm (así se llaman porque tienen lugar en medio del mandato presidencial) en las que se superan la barrera de los 100 millones de votantes, en concreto 113 millones, un 48% del electorado. En 2014 votó el 39%. Uno de los problemas crónicos es la abstención. El incremento del voto anticipado es una gran noticia. Cerca de 3,3 millones de votantes entre 18 y 29 años utilizaron este procedimiento; representa un incremento del 188% respecto 2014.

El voto suburbano
Hay síntomas de que empieza a recomponerse la coalición que llevó a Barack Obama a la Casa Blanca en el 2008, el Yes We Can: mujeres, jóvenes y minorías. Ahora solo es necesario encontrar un candidato capaz de derrotar a Trump: un animal televisivo y excelente mitinero, sabe llegar a su electorado. A la lista de los habituales --Joe Biden, Bernie Sanders, Elisabeth Warren o Mike Bloomberg--, se ha sumado esta semana uno muy atractivo, pese a salir derrotado en Texas: Beto O’Rourke, de 46 años. Apunten el nombre.

Otro movimiento de fondo son los suburbios, a caballo entre el voto urbano, en el que los demócratas tienen una aplastante ventaja, y el rural, en el que los republicanos ganan por 13 puntos. En ellos se concentra el 50% del electorado. Este voto suburbano se ha inclinado a los republicanos en los últimos 20 años. Trump ganó a Hillary Clinton por un margen del 4%.

Adele Malpass cita a la demógrafa Karlyn Bowman en un análisis publicado en la web Real Clear Politics. Sostiene que la tendencia empezó a cambiar en los suburbios menos poblados en 2016, sobre todo entre las mujeres casadas. La diferencia fue 49-47% a favor de los demócratas. En las midterm de esta semana, el margen se ha abierto en diez puntos: 54-44%. Tiene que ver con el personaje machista que representa Trump. El voto suburbano casi lleva a Beto O’Rourke a dar la gran sorpresa en la batalla de Tejas contra Ted Cruz, un peso pesado del Partido Republicano. Perdió por un 2,6%. A cambio se ha construido una imagen nacional.

Tercer movimiento: Florida. Desde el asunto de las papeletas mariposa que entregó la presidencia a George W. Bush en 2000, se ha convertido en el árbitro de cualquier elección presidencial (sin olvidar Ohio). Es el Estado del suspense, todo se decide por un puñado de votos. El exgobernador republicano Rick Scott le ha arrebatado el escaño del Senado a Bill Nelson por 21.986 votos, menos del 0,5%. Es el margen que conduce al recuento automático. No esperen milagros, no suele haber vuelco.

El voto de los exreclusos
Ahora viene lo importante. Además de las legislativas, las locales y el cargo de gobernador en Florida se celebró un referéndum, la llamada Enmienda Cuatro, que restaura los derechos de voto a los presos que han concluido su pena, incluidos los que están en libertad condicional, siempre y cuando no sean delitos de sangre o sexuales. Afecta a 1, 5 millones de personas en edad de votar, un 0,9 % del censo. Muchos pertenecen a minorías. En un Estado en el que todo se decide por decimales puede ser clave en 2020.

Ese año se elegirá presidente, nueva Cámara de Representantes y un tercio del Senado (33 escaños). Los republicanos tendrán que defender 21 frente a 12 demócratas, algo mas favorable para los segundos, porque en las midterm de esta semana tuvieron que defender 25 frente a ocho republicanos. Dos de los escaños republicanos que estarán en juego dentro de dos años son los de Maine y Colorado, en ambos ganó Hillary Clinton.

Pensar en un vuelco es realista. Dependerá de la capacidad de arrastre de un buen candidato a la Casa Blanca y del trabajo que realicen estos dos años en la Cámara de Representantes. Ser partidistas resultaría catastrófico. Los demócratas tienen que dejar atrás el monotema de Trump, pasar a la fase de proponer, de movilizar e ilusionar a los ciudadanos de EEUU.

This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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