Putin’s Victories, Trump’s Defeat

Published in El País
(Spain) on 27 December 2018
by Lluís Bassets (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Charlotte Holmes. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
Israel and Saudi Arabia have reason to be concerned following the withdrawal from Syria.

This is the third victory of the game. Let’s call it a game to avoid talking about war in the age of hybrid and postmodern disputes, which are played out both in the media and on the battlefield. The first was the victory over Ukraine through the annexation of Crimea in March 2014, which contravened international law and the treaties between Kiev and Moscow. The second was the defeat of Hillary Clinton in November 2016 and the establishment of Donald Trump, who is actually a veritable Russian agent and fulfiller of Vladimir Putin’s desires, in the White House. And the third is simply a consequence of the previous one: without informing his allies or heeding the judgment of his advisers, Trump has inopportunely ordered the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Syria, handing control of the region to Russia and its allies, Turkey and Iran.

The immediate consequence of this was the resignation of Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis, the last firewall against the president’s outlandish decisions. His departure from the White House foreshadows new opportunities for Putin, but the important point is that Trump has brought to a head a perpetual string of strategic errors with respect to the Near East, which began nearly two decades ago. The first of these were the George W. Bush administration’s interventions in Afghanistan in 2001 − some 17 years on, this constitutes the longest war − and in Iraq in 2003, which, to make matters worse, breached international law. This was followed by Barack Obama’s decision in 2011 to withdraw from Iraq, to which many observers attribute the vacuum that provided a breeding ground for the terrorist caliphate Islamic State. Obama is also responsible for passing the baton of authority to Putin when Bashar Assad used chemical weapons in 2013 and the threat of reprisals by the White House did not materialize.

The decisions made by Trump, the president that only wanted victories, are the final nail in the coffin, but the roots of the current geopolitical defeat lie in previous administrations. Russia already has the power of arbitration in the region. Assad has won his war. The Kurds, the strike force responsible for defeating the Islamic State, are the losers: if no one comes to their rescue, they will be annihilated by the Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. They have been in this situation for 100 years, since Woodrow Wilson attempted to grant them the right to self-determination, which they were unable to exercise. This time, as on previous occasions, their salvation does not lie in Washington, and much less in Berlin, Paris or Brussels. The European Union does not count, nor does NATO. The lifeline is in Damascus and Moscow. It is a glorious moment for Iran, which has also made a two-pass play: the Iranians were granted the first favor by Bush when he handed them Iraq and the second by Trump, who has offered them a passage to the Mediterranean. Israel and Saudi Arabia, Trump’s closest friends, have reason to be concerned.

Winning three postmodern wars is equivalent to losing the Cold War, which Putin regards as the greatest geopolitical disaster of the 20th century. Russian rule prevails in the Near East.


Victorias de Putin, derrota de Trump

Israel y Arabia Saudí tienen motivos para estar preocupados tras la retirada de Siria

Esta es la tercera partida victoriosa. Digámosle partida para no hablar de guerra en la época de las contiendas híbridas, posmodernas, que se juegan tanto en los medios como en los campos de batalla. La primera fue la de Ucrania con la anexión de Crimea en marzo de 2014, en contravención del derecho internacional y de los tratados entre Kiev y Moscú. La segunda, la derrota de Hillary Clinton en noviembre de 2016 y la instalación de Donald Trump en la Casa Blanca, en los hechos un auténtico agente ruso que complace los deseos de Vladímir Putin. Y la tercera, una mera consecuencia de la anterior: Trump ha ordenado intempestivamente, y sin advertir a sus aliados ni atender al criterio de sus consejeros, la retirada de las tropas estadounidenses de Siria, entregando la hegemonía regional a Rusia y a sus aliados, Turquía e Irán.

La consecuencia inmediata ha sido la dimisión del secretario de Defensa Jim Mattis, el último cortafuegos ante las decisiones siempre atrabiliarias del presidente. Su desaparición de la Casa Blanca presagia nuevas oportunidades para Putin, pero lo que cuenta es que Trump ha culminado una cadena de errores estratégicos respecto a Oriente Próximo que empezó, en propiedad, hace casi dos décadas. Primero fueron las intervenciones de George W. Bush en Afganistán en 2001, la guerra más larga, 17 años ya, y en Irak en 2003, esta última con el agravante de la ruptura de la legalidad internacional. Luego, la retirada de Irak decidida por Barack Obama en 2011, a la que muchos observadores atribuyen el vacío donde anidó el califato terrorista del Estado Islámico. También se debe a Obama la cesión del protagonismo a Putin cuando en 2013 Bachar el Asad utilizó armas químicas sin que se materializara la amenaza de represalias por parte de la Casa Blanca.

Las decisiones de Trump, el presidente que solo quería victorias, son la culminación, pero la actual derrota geopolítica echa sus raíces en las presidencias anteriores. Rusia ya es la potencia árbitro de la región. El Asad ha ganado su guerra. La pierden los kurdos, fuerza de choque vencedora sobre el Estado Islámico: si nadie les salva serán destrozados por el presidente turco, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Llevan 100 años así, desde que Woodrow Wilson pretendía reconocerles un derecho a la autodeterminación que nunca pudieron ejercer. Esta vez, como en las anteriores, su salvación tampoco está en Washington y mucho menos en Berlín, París o Bruselas. La Unión Europea no cuenta. Ni la OTAN. El salvavidas está en Damasco y en Moscú. Es un momento glorioso para Irán, con una jugada también en dos movimientos: el primer regalo se lo hizo Bush, entregándole Irak, y el segundo se lo hace Trump, ofreciéndole un pasillo hasta el Mediterráneo. Israel y Arabia Saudí, los amigos más íntimos de Trump, tienen motivos para estar preocupados.

Una victoria en tres guerras posmodernas equivale a la derrota en la Guerra Fría, que Putin considera como la mayor catástrofe geopolítica del siglo XX. El orden ruso reina en Oriente Próximo.
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