Abe’s Diplomacy and Security: Correcting Excessive Bias toward the US

Published in Nishinippon Shimbun
(Japan) on 12 September 2020
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Dorothy Phoenix. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, the longest serving prime minister in history under Japan's constitutional government, has made a definite impact on the international community, touting a diplomacy based on a "bird's eye view" of the world. Certainly, after a series of short-lived prime ministers, Japan has made its "face" known to the world again for the first time in a long while.

Taking the political reigns once more, Abe mapped out a strategy based on deepening the U.S.-Japan alliance, which served as the centerpiece of Japan's foreign diplomacy power. The strategy was necessary because of the pressing need to cope with a changing national security environment exemplified by issues such as the increasing military strength of China, the world's second largest economic superpower, and North Korea's development of nuclear missiles.

Nonaggressive Defense Policy Loses Substance

As the U.S. signals its intent to reduce overseas troop deployment and adopt a more inward facing stance, Abe's strategy might also have aimed to maintain U.S. interest in its connection with East Asia. A bias toward the U.S. could be seen ironically as a "clinging diplomacy."

Abe touted a policy of proactive pacifism, which was a significant departure from postwar national security policy. A series of decisions left the nation's nonaggressive national defense policy without substance. The most extreme example is national security law. Exercise of collective self-defense was partially approved, and the range of activity of the Japan Self-Defense Force was expanded. The shift also paved the way for exporting defensive equipment.

The prime minister is proud that the "alliance that can mutually help each country has become stronger." But is that true? At the request of American President Donald Trump, Japan has continued to purchase costly fighter aircraft and other defense equipment. Garrisoning the troops of United States Forces Japan is also becoming increasingly expensive. The cost for implementing this solid alliance has become excessive.

The relocation of the American military base Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to Henoko is being forcibly advanced, despite the opinions of locals in Okinawa, and the U.S. Status of Forces Agreement was revised without even proper consideration or discussion.

The deadlock in the plans to deploy Aegis Ashore, a land-based missile interception and counterattack system, is emblematic of this bias toward strengthening the U.S.-Japan alliance. Abe spearheaded a decision to introduce the system from the U.S., but the implementation was not feasible. While it remains unclear if he regrets that decision, he has brought up the discussion of enemy base attack capabilities in the name of securing an alternative for the system.

It is vital that any changes in security policy be carefully considered, and public understanding must be sought. The next administration should examine and work to reduce the excessive focus on the U.S.

It is commendable that former U.S. President Barack Obama was the first president to visit Hiroshima, the site of the atomic bomb attack. However, regarding nuclear disarmament, as a country that never has been attacked with nuclear weapons during war, the U.S. has turned its back on the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.

Unfinished Postwar Settlement

If the current administration remains in office, it hopes to make progress on several longstanding issues. Abe resolutely started work on what he termed "a total settlement of postwar diplomacy."

There have been 27 meetings with Russian President Vladimir Putin regarding the Northern Territories (Kuril Islands) dispute. However, in a rush to secure a good result, instead of demanding restoration of four islands, in the end, the terms were scaled back to two islands, which means the issue remains to be resolved. Negotiations are extremely difficult because of an amendment to Russia’s Constitution that prohibits the cession of Russian territory.

Abe made North Korean abductions of Japanese citizens the "administration's most important issue," and aimed to reach a solution during his administration, but there has been no progress. He called for a "dialogue without conditions" by relying on President Trump, who managed to hold discussions with Chairman Kim Jong Un, leader of the Workers’ Party of Korea. Abe was unable to get a meeting with Kim.

Relations with South Korea have fallen to their lowest point since the normalizing of diplomatic relations in 1965. An agreement was reached with President Park Geun-hye's administration to resolve the comfort women issue, but President Moon Jae-in’s succeeding administration annulled it, and also added the issue of conscripted Korean wartime laborers. The antagonism has spilled over to trade and security relations.

Abe must surely have had plenty of time to sit down and work on neighborhood diplomacy. The onus of not producing good results and the impasse on issues rooted in history is a heavy burden. The next administration must examine the strengths and weaknesses it will inherit.

The U.S. withdrew from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which came into effect under Japanese leadership. As the U.S. and China vie for hegemony, they will take the lead in building an international order of cooperation with countries that profess to share democratic values and the rule of law. From now on, Japanese diplomacy must also take on such a role.


安倍外交・安保 米国偏重のひずみを正せ

憲政史上最長の在任期間となった安倍晋三首相は「地球儀を俯瞰(ふかん)する外交」を掲げ、国際社会で一定の存在感を示した。短命続きだった日本の首相では久しぶりに世界で「顔」が知られる存在だったのは確かだ。

 再登板した首相が描いたのは日米同盟を深化させ、それを軸に日本の外交力を高める戦略だった。世界2位の経済大国となった中国の軍事力増強や北朝鮮の核・ミサイル開発に代表される安全保障環境の変化への対処が急務だったからだ。

 ■形骸化する専守防衛

 在外駐留米軍の縮小を打ち出し、内向きになる米国の関心を東アジアにつなぎ留める狙いもあったのだろう。米国傾斜は「抱きつき外交」と皮肉られた。

 首相は「積極的平和主義」を訴え、戦後の安全保障政策を大きく転換させた。国是である「専守防衛」の形骸化につながる決定を重ねた。最たるものが安保関連法だ。集団的自衛権の行使を一部容認し、自衛隊の活動領域を広げた。防衛装備品の輸出にも道を開いた。

 首相は「助け合うことができる同盟は強固になった」と胸を張る。その内実はどうだろう。トランプ米大統領の求めに応じて戦闘機など高額な防衛装備品を購入し続けた。在日米軍駐留経費の増額も迫られている。「強固な同盟」実現のために払った代償はあまりにも大きい。

 米軍普天間飛行場の辺野古移設は地元沖縄の声を無視して強引に進め、日米地位協定の改定は検討すらされていない。

 ミサイル防衛の地上配備型迎撃システム「イージス・アショア」計画の頓挫は同盟強化のひずみの象徴である。首相主導で米国から導入を決めたが、実現には無理があった。その反省も曖昧なまま、代替機能の確保と称して「敵基地攻撃能力」の議論を持ち出している。

 安保政策の変更は熟議を尽くし、国民の理解を得ることが不可欠だ。後継政権は行き過ぎた米国偏重を改め、ひずみの解消に努めるべきだ。

 現職の米大統領として初めてオバマ氏の被爆地広島訪問を実現させた点は評価できる。ただ核軍縮に戦争被爆国の役割を十分に果たさず、核兵器禁止条約にも背を向けたままだ。

 ■未完の「戦後総決算」

 政権が長期化すれば積年の課題の前進が期待される。安倍首相は「戦後日本外交の総決算」と唱え、果敢に仕掛けた。

 北方領土問題を抱えるロシアのプーチン大統領との会談は27回に及ぶ。だが性急に成果を上げようと、4島返還要求から事実上2島返還に後退させ、今後に重いつけを残した。ロシアは憲法改正で領土割譲を禁じており、交渉は困難を極める。

 北朝鮮による日本人拉致問題を首相は「政権の最重要課題」と位置付け「任期中の解決」を目指したが、何ら進展しなかった。金正恩(キムジョンウン)朝鮮労働党委員長との会談を実現させたトランプ氏を頼りに「前提条件なしの対話」を呼び掛けたが、実現には至っていない。

 韓国とは1965年の国交正常化以降最悪の関係に陥った。朴槿恵(パククネ)政権と慰安婦問題の解決を図る合意に達したが、次の文在寅(ムンジェイン)政権はそれをほごにし、元徴用工問題も加わり、対立が貿易、安保にまで波及した。

 首相には腰を据えて近隣外交に取り組む時間が十分にあったはずだ。歴史に根差す問題で行き詰まり、成果を出せなかった責任は重い。後継政権はその功罪を見極める必要がある。

 環太平洋連携協定(TPP)は米国が離脱しても日本主導で発効させた。米中が覇権を競う中、民主主義や法の支配といった価値を共有する国と協調を図り国際秩序の構築を先導する。今後の日本外交にそうした役割は継承されるべきだろう。
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