A Nobel Prize a Year, 100 Years of Kissinger

Published in United Daily News
(Taiwan) on 1 December 2023
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew McKay. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger has died at the age of 100. His influence was without a doubt far-reaching and complex — to either side of the Taiwan Strait, to the U.S., and to the world at large, eclipsing even the influence of some of the world’s great leaders. He was also one of the few controversial Nobel Peace Prize laureates. Instead of evaluating Kissinger on the basis of a single event, it’s better to reflect dispassionately on his lifelong insights into international politics.

In the film “The Sum of All Fears,” adapted from the Tom Clancy novel of the same name, there is a behind-the-scenes storyline that most people overlook, that deftly illustrates the achievements, faults and thinking of the controversial, centenarian mediator Kissinger.

Although the film is fiction, it is set against a backdrop of real-world events. It portrays the outbreak of the fourth Arab-Israeli War or Yom Kippur War in 1973, and an Israeli warplane carrying a nuclear bomb being shot down. In the film, the nuclear bomb falls into the hands of neo-Nazi terrorists 30 years later who intend to trigger a third world war between the U.S. and Russia.

In the movie, while the U.S. and Russia are secretly investigating, Jack Ryan, the CIA agent in charge of the American investigation, concludes there is a conspiracy to provoke a world war — but he has no way to verify this with high-level Russian officials. Finally, through CIA Director Cabot, Ryan makes contact with a Russian informant, and although he is unable to prevent the terrorists from detonating the nuclear bomb, he successfully averts a U.S.-Russian nuclear war. The two countries eventually sign a peace agreement and dispatch their agents to assassinate all the masterminds behind the events. Later, Ryan learns that Cabot’s informant was the head of the Russian intelligence unit, and that the two had secretly been in contact to prevent the outbreak of World War III.

With the power Kissinger wielded while in office and the public-private relationships he established with heads of state and even with informants around the world for decades, the real extent of his influence is bound to have been far greater than that of the intelligence chiefs in the film. It is interesting to note that in November 2002, President George W. Bush appointed Kissinger chairman of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States to investigate the 9/11 attacks. However, when asked to disclose any potential conflicts of interest, Kissinger said he would not release any details about his business clients and subsequently tendered his resignation.

Equally noteworthy were the consummate skills at great power games and tightrope-walking that Kissinger displayed throughout his life, as well as his hesitation in thought and in action that often led him to treat small countries and foreign nationals like disposable pawns in order to avoid stepping on world war red lines.

In his later years, Kissinger emphasized that the rise of China was a political and historical necessity, and preventing a confrontation between the great powers should be the bottom line of how the world works rather than considering the benefit to mankind; that the only outcome for a world in which the two major powers confronted each other would be global losses. On the eve of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, he pointed out that failing to reopen talks with Russia would have dire long-term consequences for the stability of Europe.

Such unconventional perspectives may seem at odds with Kissinger in his prime when he devoted himself to fighting the expansion of communism. But if you look at his subsequent efforts to extricate the U.S. from its Vietnam War predicament, and even his feigning a stomachache to travel from Pakistan to Beijing and lay the groundwork for establishing diplomatic relations between the Chinese Communist Party and the U.S., it is clear that there was always a consistent guiding principle to Kissinger’s political thought.

The Nobel Peace Prize is awarded almost every year, and it has been awarded to 111 individuals. But among those laureates, Kissinger was one of very few also to have been tainted with the blood of war, and the extent of his influence was head and shoulders above the rest. How many inside sources did he have around the world? And did he work with these informants to prevent a world war? With his passing, we fear that the answer to those questions will be an enigma for the ages.



一年一諾獎、百年季辛吉

2023-12-01 11:12 聯合報/ 主筆室

美國前國務卿季辛吉以百歲嵩壽辭世,對兩岸、美國乃至全球來說,季辛吉的影響無疑是深遠且複雜的,甚至還超越一些大國領袖;與此同時,他卻也是少數具爭議的諾貝爾和平獎得主。因而,與其從單一事件去看待及評價季辛吉,倒不如冷靜思考季老爺子對國際政治的一生感悟。

由湯姆·克蘭西原著改編的電影「恐懼的總和」,其中有一條為多數人所忽略的「幕後」故事線,恰恰能說明「百歲爭議喬王」季辛吉的功過與思維。

「恐」片雖是虛構,背景卻與世局若合符節:描述1973年第四次以阿戰爭爆發時,以色列一架載有核彈的戰機被擊落墜毀,30年後核彈落入新納粹主義恐怖份子手中,意圖藉此核彈挑動美俄掀起第三次世界大戰。

此時美俄均暗地調查真相,美方負責調查的中情局探員傑克·萊恩雖判斷是有心人意圖製造世界大戰的陰謀,卻苦於無管道向俄高層求證,最後透過中情局局長卡博特聯絡上俄羅斯「密友」,雖無力阻止恐怖份子引爆核彈,卻成功避免了美蘇核彈大戰,兩國最終也簽署了和平協議,並派員暗殺了所有幕後主事者。事後萊恩得知原來卡博特的密友正是俄羅斯情報單位負責人,兩人為避免第三次世界大戰爆發,長期保持私下聯絡。

以季辛吉在位時權力之大,以及其縱橫全球數十年與多國元首甚至「密友」建立的公私關係,真實影響力必然遠大於電影中的情報頭子。有一事頗值玩味:2002年11月時任美國總統小布希任命季辛吉為對美恐怖襲擊國家調查委員會主席,以調查九一一恐襲事件;但當他被詢及是否有潛在利益衝突後,季辛吉表示「無意公布其商業客戶詳情」,因此宣布請辭。

同樣值得關注的是,季辛吉一生盡情展現的大國權力博弈及平衡之術,以及為避免踩到世界大戰紅線,往往視小國或他國人民為可棄之棋的「無奈」想法與作為。

季辛吉晚年強調中國崛起是政策和歷史的必然,並指不計代價阻止大國直接對抗是世界運轉的底線,兩大強權對抗的世界不會讓人類得利,只有全世界皆輸的結局;他在俄烏衝突前夕,直指由於未能與俄羅斯重啟談判,將對歐洲的穩定產生可怕的長期後果。

此類「非主流」言論,看似與曾經傾力對抗共產擴張的青壯季辛吉有違,但看看他後來為使美國脫離越戰泥淖的努力,乃至偽裝肚子痛藉機中轉巴基斯坦到北京為後來的中共與美國建交鋪路,顯然季辛吉始終有其「一以貫之」的政治思維。

諾貝爾和平獎幾乎每年頒、迄今共111位個人獲獎,季辛吉卻是極少數同時沾染戰爭血腥者,其真實影響力更堪稱其中翹楚;他在全球的「內線」究竟有多少?又是否曾與這些密友們合力阻止過世界大戰的發生?恐怕隨著他的離世,也將成為世紀之謎。
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