Putin’s Christmas*

Published in Folha
(Brazil) on 12/17/2023
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jane Dorwart. Edited by Michelle Bisson.

 

 

 

The war is approaching its second year at the worst moment for Ukraine since the Russian invasion.

President Vladimir Putin met with 600 journalists last Thursday in a convention center next to the Kremlin and spent four hours responding to questions from those present and from citizens selected by the government to record video messages.

The scene could not have been more of a contrast with last year when that traditional event was not held as Russia ended the year having faced an offensive against its invading forces in the north of Ukraine, a country it had failed to conquer in February.

Subsequent Western support for Kyiv with arms, money and sanctions was never intended to completely defeat Russia. In a calculated way, the idea was to progressively wear Putin down, rooting for a regime change in Moscow which never came.

A year later, having survived a serious mutiny, Putin jokes in poor taste about the high price of eggs in his country and again displays his usual bravado saying there will only be peace in Ukraine if Kyiv accepts demilitarization and renounces its hope of becoming a country in what he characterizes as the Western war club NATO.

The Russian president is not close to being able to dictate terms, but he enjoys a largely comfortable position in contrast to his rival Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

The Ukrainian president bet everything on a counteroffensive backed by new Western weapons and training. Ukraine launched the counteroffensive in June, but failed achieve its objecting of severing the land link between Russia and Crimea, annexed in 2014, via the occupied areas in the south and east of the country.

The blame game has already started, with public disagreements between Zelenskyy and his generals; however, the substratum that matters is the growing shakiness of support from the West.

One of the reasons for the uncertain support is the cost. Through October, it is estimated that the U.S. support to the country at war both for defense as well as offense came to $1.2 billion — a bit less than the 2022 Ukrainian gross domestic product.

Joe Biden, Ukraine’s major supporter, faces a Republican opposition with its eye on the White House and that has so far has blocked an aid package of about $50 billion for Zelenskyy in the coming year.

The argument for the Republican veto, othersie political, is the lack of return on investment. The Ukrainian president even came to Washington begging for aid, albeit unsuccessfully so far. Biden said the U.S. would continue to support Ukraine, but noted that funding will soon run out.

Adding to this is the bad mood in Europe, personified by Hungary’s resistance to freeing up a package of military aid to Kyiv within the framework of the European Union, and the election of governments hostile to military support in Slovakia and the Netherlands.

The war will reach two years in February, and Biden seems correct in predicting that the congressional veto will give Putin the greatest Christmas present he could ever ask for.

*Editor’s Note: This article is available in its original language with a paid subscription.




EDITORIAL

17.dez.2023 às 22h00

O Natal de Putin
Guerra se aproxima do 2º ano no pior momento para Ucrânia desde a invasão russa

Na quinta passada (14), o presidente Vladimir Putin reuniu 600 jornalistas em um centro de convenções ao lado do Kremlin e passou quatro horas respondendo a questões dos presentes e de cidadãos selecionados pelo governo para gravar mensagens de vídeo.

A cena não poderia ser mais contrastante com a ausência do tradicional evento, no ano passado, quando a Rússia fechava a temporada sob o impacto de uma ofensiva contra suas forças invasoras no norte da Ucrânia, país que fracassara em conquistar em fevereiro.

O grande apoio ocidental subsequente a Kiev, com armas, dinheiro e sanções, nunca buscou derrotar a Rússia totalmente. De forma calculada, a ideia era a de desgastar progressivamente Putin, torcendo por uma mudança de regime em Moscou que nunca veio.

Um ano depois, tendo passado até por um grave motim, Putin faz piada de mau gosto sobre a inflação do ovo em seu país e volta às bravatas usuais de que só haverá paz na Ucrânia se Kiev aceitar ser desmilitarizada e renunciar à pretensão de tornar-se um país do clube bélico ocidental, a Otan.

O russo não está perto de ditar termos, mas sua posição é amplamente confortável, ao contrário da do rival, Volodimir Zelenski.

O ucraniano apostou tudo numa contraofensiva bancada por novas armas e treinamento ocidentais, iniciada em junho, e fracassou no intento de cortar a ligação terrestre entre a Rússia e a Crimeia, anexada em 2014, por meio das áreas ocupadas no sul e leste do país.

O jogo de culpas já começou, com desavenças públicas entre Zelenski e seus generais, porém o substrato que importa é o abalo crescente no apoio dado pelo Ocidente.

Um dos motivos é a conta: até outubro, estima-se em R$ 1,2 trilhão, pouco menos que o PIB ucraniano em 2022, a ajuda dada ao país em guerra para se defender e atacar.

Maior apoiador, o americano Joe Biden enfrenta a oposição republicana de olho na Casa Branca, que barrou até aqui um pacote de ajuda que chega a R$ 300 bilhões no próximo ano para Zelenski.

O argumento do veto, de resto político, é a falta de retorno do investimento. O ucraniano foi até Washington implorar por ajuda, sem sucesso até aqui. Biden disse que seguiria apoiando, mas que o dinheiro vai acabar logo.

Some-se a isso o mau humor na Europa, personificado na resistência da Hungria em liberar um pacote de ajuda militar a Kiev no âmbito da União Europeia e na eleição de governos hostis ao apoio militar na Eslováquia e na Holanda.

A guerra completará dois anos em fevereiro, e Biden parece certo ao vaticinar que o veto do Congresso dará a Putin o maior presente de Natal que ele poderia querer.
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