Why Do America's Two Parties Treat Wall Street Demonstration Differently?

Published in Sina
(China) on 8 October 2011
by Tao Duanfang (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Liangzi He. Edited by Jennifer Pietropaoli.
Called “Occupy Wall Street” or “Day of Rage,” the series of demonstrations in New York that have been going on since September 17 have lasted more than half a month and have expanded from New York to Boston, Chicago, Tampa Bay, San Francisco, Baltimore, Auckland, etc., and even overseas. In addition, after experiencing large scale police arrests and the People’s Parade on October 5, the demonstrations are already losing their artistic color, and turning into an unavoidable mass movement.

What’s interesting is that Democratic and Republican parties have different attitudes toward this movement.

On the Democratic side, many officials have implicitly or directly expressed their understanding and sympathy for the motivation of the Occupy Wall Street participants, including Secretary of the Treasury Timothy Geithner, Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, Chairman of the House John Larsson and House Representatives Raul,* Gerry Giovanni, Gert Slough and Casey Ellison, etc. Even Obama publicly stated that the demonstrators’ anger is understandable because the American people know that not everybody observes the rules and Wall Street was the typical transgressor.

On the contrary, Republicans, including House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, publicly criticized the demonstrators for being mobs that violated public order. Additionally, New York Mayor Bloomberg claimed that since demonstrations were carried out in the name of “employment,” the demonstrators should go to work instead of wandering around Zuccotti Park yelling at the wrong target.

Why do the two parties have opposite views about the same demonstration? The background of the movement is the still-high unemployment rate, increasingly spreading poverty and the polarization of rich and poor. According to demonstrators, Wall Street’s financial moguls who monopolized American politics and economics are the culprits of all the misfortunes in America, illustrated with cries of “1 percent of corruptors make 99 percent of Americans suffer.”* They are questioning the government about why the new employment stimulus plan kept sending money to Wall Street after they made such trouble.

Next year is the big election year; the U.S. will choose a president and a third of the senators and representatives will be replaced as well. Demonstrators don’t want to miss such a great opportunity to show their strength. Even though organizers claimed online that they were imitating the Arab Spring and mass movements in Greece and named themselves the New York Spring, by nature the train of this movement is much more similar to the tea party movement, which has quite a stand against it. The logic behind the movement hopes to force one of the political parties and politicians to yield to the demonstrators’ political appeals through the means of populism — and their major target is the Democratic Party.

If we look closely, many of the slogans the demonstrators shouted are what Obama wants to say but doesn’t dare to say or do because he has been contained by Congress and Republicans. They call to “Increase taxes on the rich,” “Make Wall Street wear a halter,”* enhance the president and government’s power to interfere in the economy, etc. They even suggested Obama establish a presidential committee outside Congress to contain the relationship between senators and the Wall Street moguls who donate money. Because of the economic depression, the support for Obama and the Democrats has decreased; the latest polls indicate that their election situation next year is worrisome. The populists of the Occupy Wall Street movement give them some hope, since before last year’s midterm election, the right-wing tea party movement brought the Republicans miraculously back to life and regained control of the House. Now if left-wing populists were used properly, certain controversial motions could be forcefully put forward. If Republicans say no again, they could be accused of resisting the will of the people, increasing the flame of the anger.

In recent days, representatives of 15 different labor unions, including some big names like the Public Service Employees Union, the Transport Workers Union and the United Federation of Teachers, walked through Zuccotti Park and other demonstration sites. Many unions even walked in front of the demonstration procession, which revealed the Democratic sentiment that Obama would not have been president without the labor unions’ support.

On the contrary, the fundamental supporters among Republicans are entrepreneurs, bourgeoisie and business people. From their point of view, increasing taxes on the rich will compromise America’s competitiveness, and the blazing left-wing populists will promote the realization of the “currency manipulation bill,” which will lead to a war in global trade. Therefore, Republicans’ outlook on the left-wing populists is that they are “politically playing with fire.”* Bloomberg criticized the labor unions as being in “dangerous waters.”*

Based on the recent situation, this time populism is obviously unfavorable to Republicans. Although there is a mix of good and bad in the demonstrators, what they have in common is fear of economic crisis and discontent with Wall Street; the Republicans’ defense of business people and the rich will surely bring trouble. Typical examples are the online “gang fights” over Bloomberg by demonstrators. However, Obama and the Democrats may not get their wish, either.

On the one hand, the appeal of Occupy Wall Street is increasing and participants are shifting from discontent with Wall Street magnates to anti-war sentiments, anti-Guantanamo prisoner abuse, building a fair and sustainable world, etc. The themes are diversified; many people are not satisfied with Obama and the Democrats and more people are turning from Obama supporters to dissenters. Like one demonstrator said, with commitment after commitment, renege after renege, they feel disappointed and betrayed by Obama.

On the other hand, many people don’t agree with the “prescription” written by America’s Day of Rage organization about big government and the welfare state because it is the opposite of the American Dream and of the natural American tendency to reject taxation. Even though the economy is no good, supporters of the protesters (made up of many members of the middle class) are quite a few. However, few agree with their theories and practice. America has a population of over 100 million and New York is a metropolis with over 10 million people, but the number of demonstrators is limited — the biggest People Parade actually had only 2,000 participants, according to non-partisan statistics —and the mainstream media is disinterested in the demonstrations.

Because of the lack of supporters, Obama dares not to show public support for the demonstrators, even though he did reluctantly express his sympathy. Many Democratic politicians, led by Vice President Biden, have also been very cautious and kept their distance from the demonstrators. No one knows that what kind of accident the loosely organized movement could cause. More importantly, being considered close to Occupy Wall Street may reinforce voter support, but it could also scare away those important middle-class voters. That’s not even mentioning the urgent economic stimulus plan, which cannot live without Wall Street’s support.

*Editor’s Note: These quotations and names, accurately translated could not be verified.


陶短房:对“占领华尔街”美两党何以不同脸孔
http://www.sina.com.cn 2011年10月08日13:09 光明网

  被称作“占领华尔街”或“愤怒日”的纽约示威活动自9月17日开始,至今已逾半个月,不仅从纽约一地蔓延到波士顿、芝加哥、坦帕湾、旧金山、巴尔的摩、奥克兰等地,甚至国外,且经历警方大拘捕和10月5日的“万人大游行”,已一洗最初“快闪艺术”的色彩,变成了令人不敢忽视的、大规模群众运动。

  耐人寻味的是,对这一运动,民主、共和两党的态度差异明显。

  民主党方面,许多大员近期都或含蓄、或直白地表示,对“占领华尔街”的动机表示理解或同情,加入这一行列的包括财长盖特纳、美联储主席伯南克、众议院内委会主席约翰。拉尔森,众议员劳尔。格里乔瓦、路易斯。斯劳格特和凯西。埃里森等等,甚至奥巴马也在公开场合表示,抗议者的愤怒“是可以理解的”,因为“美国人民知道,并非每个人都那么守规矩,而华尔街就是不守规矩的典范”。

  而共和党方面则截然相反,众议院多数党领袖埃里克。坎托公开指责“占领华尔街”者是“破坏公共秩序的暴徒”,纽约市长布隆伯格则表示,示威者既然打着“要求就业”的标语,就该去做工而非整天呆在祖科蒂公园,示威是“把矛头对错了目标”。

  何以同一个示威,两党的态度差异如此明显?这次行动的背景,是美国居高不下的失业率,日益蔓延的贫困化现象和贫富悬殊。在示威者看来,华尔街“金融寡头对美国政治、经济的垄断支配”是一切不幸的罪魁祸首,或如示威者10月5日的呼声“1%的贪腐者令99%美国人感到痛苦”。他们要质问政府“为什么华尔街大亨们闯了这么大的祸,新的刺激就业计划还要不断把钱给他们”。

  明年是大选年,美国将更换总统、1/3参议员和全部众议员,示威者觉得机不可失,必须趁此时机展现自己的力量。尽管组织者借助互联网的力量,并声称效仿“阿拉伯之春”和希腊群众运动,甚至给自己起了“纽约之春”的名字,但实质上,这次行动的思路更类似与之立场截然相对的美国“茶党”运动,即通过民粹主义的宣泄,逼迫某个政党和部分政治家迁就自己的政治诉求,而“占领华尔街”组织者的目标,主要是民主党。

  仔细观察就可以发现,“占领华尔街”者喊出的,许多都是奥巴马想喊却不敢大声喊,想做却一直被国会和共和党牵制而不能做的事,如“对富人增税”、“给华尔街套上笼头”,及加强总统和政府干涉经济的职权等,他们甚至曾建议奥巴马成立一个超越国会的“总统委员会”,以遏制议员们和捐款的华尔街巨头们间的利益关联。因经济低迷,奥巴马和民主党支持率下滑,最新民调显示,他们在明年选情堪忧。“占领华尔街”的民粹让他们看到一丝希望:既然去年中期选举前,“茶党”的右翼民粹,让一蹶不振的共和党奇迹般起死回生,夺回了众院控制权,那么如今“占领华尔街”的左翼民粹若利用得当,恰可将那些一直被杯葛的争议议案顺水推舟地强推出来,如果共和党再行阻击,便大可扣上顶“抗拒民意”的帽子,让街头的愤怒之火去焚烧。

  近几日,15个工会的代表穿梭祖科蒂公园和游行场地,其中包括公共部门雇员联合会、运输产业联合会和教师工会联合会等“大块头”,不少工会甚至走在示威行列的前排,这也从另一方面揭示了民主党的心意——谁都知道奥巴马是靠工会的支持上台的。

  与之相反,共和党的基本支持者是企业家、中产阶级和工商界人士,在他们看来,“对富人征税”会损害美国的竞争力,炽烈的左翼民粹,更会导致诸如“操纵汇率法案”等出台,从而引发全球性贸易战,而民主党对左翼民粹的操纵,则是在“政治玩火”,布隆伯格在讲话中直截了当抨击“浑水摸鱼的工会”,奥妙正在于此。

  从近期看,这次民粹显然对共和党不利:尽管示威者鱼龙混杂,但对经济危机的恐惧和对华尔街的不满是共同的,共和党对工商业者和“富人”的维护势必引火烧身,布隆伯格遭到示威者网上“群殴”就是典型范例。但奥巴马和民主党的如意算盘也未必能打成。

  一来,“占领华尔街”的诉求正在放大,参与者将原先单纯的针对华尔街富豪的不满,扩展到诸如反战、反关塔那摩虐囚、建设公正和可持续世界等内容,他们的成分也越来越多样化,许多人对奥巴马和民主党并不满意,还有更多的人则从奥巴马的支持者变成反对者,正如一位示威者所言,鉴于一次次地许诺和食言,他们如今对奥巴马“感到很失望,因为他背叛了我们”。

  二来,许多人并不认同“美国愤怒日组织”所开出的“大政府”和福利国家倾向明显的药方,认为这和“美国梦”的传统和美国人“抗税天然有理”的民风背道而驰。尽管经济不景气,但中产阶级阵容庞大的美国,对愤怒有同感者固然不少,认同愤怒者理念和做法者却仍是小众:美国拥有上亿人口,纽约也是人口过千万的大都市,可示威者至今人数有限(最大的“万人大游行”,中立统计者认为实际参加人数不过2000),主要倾向多为中右或中左的美国主流媒体对“占领华尔街”也显得意兴阑珊,就是最明显的例子。

  正因如此,尽管吞吞吐吐表示“同情”,奥巴马却迟迟不敢公开支持示威者,而以副总统拜登为代表的许多民主党政客也保持谨慎,对示威敬而远之:谁也不知道这场组织松散的运动将惹出什么意外,更何况,对“占领华尔街”的亲密姿态固可巩固基本盘,却足以吓坏那些重要的中间选民,就更不用说,迫在眉睫的任何振兴经济计划,都不可能离开华尔街大亨们的捧场了。(陶短房)
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