US Pressure May Force China To Establish ‘Cyber Command’

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 3 August 2015
by Qin An (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Ashley Pinamonti.
On the eve of China's Aug. 1 “Army Day” holiday, the U.S. media revealed that the Obama administration has decided to retaliate against the supposed Chinese “theft” of over 20 million Americans' personal information from U.S. databases. President Obama has already requested that his staff come up with a set of proposals and explore the feasibility of placing economic sanctions on China.

For now, U.S. officials have yet to make any official statements in this regard, and we are still uncertain whether such reports are valid or if they are merely speculation on the part of the U.S. media. As the saying goes, however, where there's smoke there's fire, and the United States is given to inventing such topics and later putting them to purpose in furthering one or another of its very real plans. As an example, the United States has long been spinning tales about “Chinese hackers”; the results of which have always been to significantly expand its cyber command.

One can always find a way to blame others, and the United States is already determined to pin these offenses on China, despite that in each case it lacks real evidence. Each time, China patiently defends itself against these unfounded accusations. The fact is, however, that Americans are entirely deaf to these protestations. What we must do is gain a clear understanding of these Americans' true objectives before initiating an effective response.

Indeed, their bluster has been a reminder that we must take better precautions in the field of cybersecurity. Cyberspace is highly interconnected and complex, and it is both of paramount importance and enormously difficult to effectively safeguard China's national interests in cyberspace. The pressure from Americans over these issues in cybersecurity should, on the contrary, “force” China to bolster its strength in that area. Looking back upon the origins of China's cyberspace strategy, it was both a proactive adaptation in response to the challenges of this day and age and a necessary result of answering those challenges. Edward Snowden's revelations about PRISM became the single strongest motivator for China in establishing itself as an Internet power. Presented with an opportunity for “digital nation-building,” a China that is evolving from power to great power in the online landscape will not shiver in the face of ill winds blowing from the United States.

The new Chinese National Security Law explicitly protects the nation's sovereignty, security, and developmental interests within cyberspace. The cybersecurity law being discussed openly now will eventually aid in creating an effective mechanism for strengthening national defense in cybersecurity applications. The result of this so-called U.S. “retaliation” will only be to hasten the creation of a powerful Chinese cyber division, one which will develop to become a pillar of strength, protecting peace and development within the global cyberspace.

To realize this goal, China must take action immediately. Using the new National Security Law and the clause within the cybersecurity law to “maintain national sovereignty and resist breaches of the Internet” as a legal basis, it should quicken the pace of establishing a cyber corps and extricate itself from the predicament of being able only to defend the “camp gates” instead of the “gates of the nation” in cyberspace. In establishing a force for the Internet, China should seek to combine military and civilian resources. In the same manner as the successful U.S. Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, it should leverage the historic opportunity presented by making military-civilian collaboration part of national strategy to increase the degree of investment in cybersecurity firms and have the cybersecurity industry take the lead in supporting the development of the nation's cyber defense. Additionally, it should set up its own “virtual firing range.” Soldiers cannot excel without training. With the success of the United States' National Cyber Range as a guide, China should create a virtual environment for offense and defense within cyberspace to provide an online training ground for developing a future Chinese cyber command.

Collectively building a peaceful, secure, open, and collaborative cyberspace while establishing a multilateral, democratic and transparent global system of governance for the Internet is the fundamental logic underlying China's management of cyberspace. In the past, I have often brought up the three principles of “expanding collective interests, establishing equal checks and balances, and maintaining mutual security,” and I hope that certain other nations can free themselves of the Cold War mentality and together pave the way toward cooperation and mutual benefit on the Internet.

The author is the director of the Cyberspace Strategy Research Center at the China Institute for Innovation and Development Strategy.


  美国媒体在中国“八一”建军节前夕爆出,奥巴马政府决定对所谓中国从美国数据库“窃取”2000多万美国人个人信息一事进行报复,奥巴马已经要求下属拿出一套报复方案,并研究了对中国实施经济制裁的可能性。
  美国官方目前还未对这一消息做出正式回应,我们尚不确定它是否属实,或者只是美国媒体的捕 风捉影。但俗话讲无风不起浪,美国惯常炒作话题,然后让这个话题为它所用,以推动它的某项具体谋划。比如,美国长时间炒作“中国黑客”,最后的结果往往 是,美国大幅度扩充其网络部队。
  欲加之罪何患无辞!美国已经铁定了心要把这顶帽子扣在中国头上,尽管每次都没有任何实据。对于无端指责,中方每次都耐心地解释。但其实美国人根本就不会听这些。我们所需要做的是,认清美国人的真正目的,然后自己做出有效应对。
  实际上,美国人的咋呼给我们提了醒。在网络安全这一块,我们必须加强戒备。网络空间互联互 通,错综复杂,在网络空间有效维护中国的国家利益,是至关重要又十分困难的事。而美国人在网络安全问题上对我们的施压,应该“倒逼”出中国更加强大的网络 力量。回顾中国网络空间战略觉醒,既是时代呼唤、主动应变,也是应对挑战的必然结果。斯诺登披露“棱镜门”成为中国建设网络强国的最强有力推手。面对“数 字建国”历史机遇,从网络大国走向网络强国的中国,不会畏惧美国刮起的网络暴风雨。
  新的《国家安全法》明确维护国家网络空间主权、安全和发展利益,相信正在公开讨论的《网络安全法》将有助于最终形成建设网络国防力量的长效机制。而所谓美国“报复”的一个结果,将是加速催生一支强大的中国网军,进而发展成为维护世界网络空间和平与发展的中流砥柱。
  要实现这一目标,中国需要马上行动起来。以新的《国家安全法》和《网络安全法》 “维护国家主权、反对网络入侵”条款为法理依据,加快成立网军步伐,走出只能守“网络营门”,无法守卫”网络国门”的困局。在建立网络力量方面,应实现军 民融合。可参照美国防部高级计划研究局(DARPA)成功做法,利用军民融合上升为国家战略的历史机遇,加大对网络安全企业的投资力度,以网络安全产业领 先支撑网络国防发展。另外,应该建立网络靶场。兵不练不精。可以借鉴美国建立“国家网络靶场”的成功做法,建立网络攻防的虚拟环境,为未来中国网军的发展 提供网络训练场。
  共同构建和平、安全、开放、合作的网络空间,建立多边、民主、透明的国际互联网治 理体系是中国网络空间治理的基本思路。笔者曾多次提出“扩大共同利益、建立对等制衡、维护相互安全”的三原则,希望一些国家也能从“冷战思维”中走出来, 共同修筑网络合作共赢的阳光大道。(作者是国家创新与发展战略研究会网络空间战略研究中心主任)
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