Dispute between Trump and Macron Renders Trans-Atlantic Relationship Uncertain

Published in Revista 22
(Romania) on 23 November 2018
by Stefan Popescu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Alina Dohotaru. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
Emmanuel Macron’s policy on rapprochement with the U.S. seems to have reached its limits. At least this is what the Paris events dedicated to the World War I armistice centenary on Nov. 11 showed us. In his speech at the Arc de Triomphe in front of 70 world leaders, the young president of France made sure his message was far removed from Donald Trump’s vision, alluding to Trump’s slogan, “America First,” “This vision of France as a generous nation, of France as a project, of France as the bearer of universal values was displayed during these dark hours, as the very opposite of a selfish nation that only looks after its own interest. Patriotism is the opposite of nationalism. Nationalism is a betrayal of patriotism … Our interests first, whatever happens to the others. You erase the most precious thing a nation can have, that which makes it live, that which causes it to be great.”*

We do not know whether the French president's speech falls within the kind of election campaign diplomacy at which President Trump excels. However, opposing everything Trump stands for, followed by the Twitter reaction of the White House leader, gives Macron much needed breathing space, as his popularity decreases each month, and as he approaches an important test, the European elections. Perhaps, Macron's move was in reaction to Trump’s nonparticipation in the World Peace Forum, which was organized to take place at the margins of the commemorative events, or perhaps it was about some deeper misunderstanding over European strategic autonomy. Perhaps it was about the U.S. withdrawal from the nuclear agreement with Iran and sanctions affecting European companies, or perhaps, about Trump’s announcement that the U.S. would withdraw from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. It's hard to say.

Forty years ago, Raymond Aron, a great French philosopher of international affairs, published an article titled "Uncertainties." This is exactly what our analysis is about – uncertainties. It's also possible that the messages Trump tweeted two days after returning to the country, offensive to France and his French counterpart, may have only related to the need to divert voters' attention – or criticism – from Democratic and Republican observers about Trump’s decision to cancel his visit to the American military cemetery at Aisne-Marne.

What is certain is that trans-Atlantic relations are now undergoing a serious crisis, the effects of which are still not known. We see that President Trump's attitude has created a rapprochement between Paris and Berlin. Chancellor Angela Merkel expressed her support for Macron’s project to create a European army, complementary to NATO, both in front of the European Parliament and on the occasion of the French president's visit to Berlin. As the first French leader to address the German Parliament since Jacques Chirac in 2000, President Macron stated in his speech in front of the Berlin Parliament that the European army does not only mean that the equipment of the European military industry and military forces would exist under a single command, but that it would also defend European interests in the event of global conflict. In an interview with CNN’s Fareed Zakaria, President Macron stated something new that helps us better understand the vision behind the European army project: “I do not agree with the increase of the European budget's military budgets in order to buy American arms. I see this increase as a strengthening of European autonomy in NATO.”*

What conclusion can we draw from this? It is impossible to activate a European army without a common foreign and security policy at the European Union level. Therefore, the European army would contribute to the institutionalization of Europe. Such a structure, with related industrial programs, would entail very high costs. Time will tell whether the strategic ambitions of the French-German alliance, including those regarding the European army, will jeopardize the EU's cohesiveness, and especially how much longer they can work together within NATO. We will have a clue when the Galileo (European GPS) program is fully operational.** Will the EU accept a collaboration with the United States GPS program, or will it require EU member states to use the European geo-localization program? Another question that time will answer is whether the distance between Paris and Berlin on the one hand, and between Paris and Washington on the other, will continue after Trump, and whether we will see a rupture between these alliances in the meantime.

*Editor's note: The quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.
**Editor’s note: Galileo is the global navigation satellite system that is being created by the European Union.


Timpul ne va arata daca ambitiile strategice ale cuplului franco-german, inclusiv privind armata europeana, vor pune in pericol coeziunea UE si mai ales cat de mult pot merge impreuna in cadrul NATO.

Politica de apropiere de SUA a presedintelui francez Emmanuel Macron pare sa isi fi atins limitele. Cel putin asa ne-au indicat evenimentele de la Paris dedicate Centenarului Armistitului din 11 Noiembrie. In discursul sau de langa Arcul de Triumf, in fata a 70 de sefi de state, tanarul presedinte al Republicii Franceze a tinut sa se delimiteze de viziunea omologului sau american, Donald Trump, facand o aluzie explicita la sloganul “America First!“: “Această viziune a Franței, ca națiune generoasă, purtătoare de valori universale, a fost, în acele ore sumbre, exact opusul egoismului unui popor care nu se gândește decât la propriile interese. Patriotismul este exact opusul naționalismului. Naționalismul este o trădare! “; “Interesele noastre mai întâi, indiferent de orice s-ar întâmpla cu alții. Astfel, se șterge cel mai prețios lucru pe care o națiune îl poate avea, care o poate face să trăiască, care o face să fie măreață“. Nu stim daca demersul presedintelui francez se inscrie in diplomatia electorala in care si presedintele Trump exceleaza: pozitionarea ca opus a tot ceea ce Trump promoveaza, urmata de reactia pe Twitter a locatarului de la Casa Alba, reprezinta un balon de oxigen pentru Emmanuel Macron, a carui cota de popularitate scade in fiecare luna, in apropierea unui test electoral important – alegerile europene. Poate ca gestul lui Macron a avut in vedere neparticiparea lui Trump la Forumul Mondial al Pacii, organizat in marja evenimentelor comemorative sau neintelegeri mai profunde care vizau autonomia strategica europeana sau retragerea din acordul nuclear cu Iranul si sanctiunile care afecteaza si companii europene ori poate anuntul de retragere din acordul privind limitarea rachetelor nucleare cu raza medie de actiune. Este greu de spus.

Raymond Aron, marele filosof francez al relatiilor internationale, publica acum 40 de ani un articol intitulat “Incertitudini“. Sub acest semn ne plasam si noi in analiza noastra. Este iarasi posibil ca mesajele in cascada pe Twitter, ofensatoare la adresa Frantei si a omologului sau francez, postate de Donald Trump la doua zile dupa ce a revenit in tara, pot avea legatura numai cu necesitatea de a deturna atentia electoratului sau de la criticile venite atat dinspre observatorii cu afinitati democrate dar si republicane cu privire la decizia sa de a-si anula vizita la cimitirul militar american de la Aisne-Marne.

Cert este ca relatiile transatlantice traverseaza o criza importanta, ale carei efecte nu le vedem inca. Observam ca atitudinea presedintelui Trump a provocat o apropiere intre Paris si Berlin. Cancelara Angela Merkel si-a exprimat atat in fata parlamentului european, dar si cu ocazia vizitei presedintelui francez la Berlin sustinerea pentru proiectul Macron de creare a unei armate europene, complementara cu NATO. In discursul sau in fata parlamentului de la Berlin, o premiera de la cel al lui Jacques Chirac in anul 2000, presedintele Macron a aratat ca armata europeana nu inseamna numai echipamente ale industriei militare europene si forte puse sub un comandament unic, ci si apararea intereselor europene atunci cand apar conflicte pe glob. Intr-un interviu acordat lui Fareed Zakaria, pe CNN, presedintele Emmanuel Macron a facut o noua precizare care ne face sa intelegem si mai bine viziunea din spatele proiectului armatei europene : “Nu sunt de acord cu cresterea bugetelor militare ale statelor europene pentru achizitionarea de armament american. Vad aceasta crestere ca pe o intarire a autonomiei europene in sanul NATO “.

Ce concluzie putem trage din aceste enunturi ? Ca armata europeana este imposibil de pus in practica fara o politica externa si de securitate comuna la nivelul UE. Prin urmare, armata europeana va fi un element de institutionalizare al Europei cu mai multe viteze. O asemenea structura, cu programele industriale aferente va presupune costuri foarte mari. Timpul ne va arata daca ambitiile strategice ale cuplului franco-german nu vor pune in pericol politica de coeziune si mai ales cat de mult pot merge impreuna in cadrul NATO. Un indiciu il vom avea in momentul in care programul Galileo (GPS-ul european) va fi complet operational. Oare UE va accepta o coabitare cu GPS-ul american sau va impune statelor membre folosirea programului european de geolocalizare ? O alta intrebare la care tot timpul ne va raspunde este daca distantarea dintre Paris si Berlin pe de o parte si Washington pe de alta parte, va dura si in perioada post-Trump si daca pana atunci vom inregistra chiar o ruptura.
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