A Time of Challenge for American Democracy

Published in UDN
(Taiwan) on 18 October 2020
by Su Chi (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jennifer Sampson. Edited by Michelle Bisson.
President Donald Trump, a rare inexperienced politician within U.S. political circles, is the craziest politician we have seen in a long time. In four years, he has battered all aspects of American life like a nuclear bomb.

As for his personal style, he speaks without thinking, never caring about backing up his claims. He does whatever he wants, often without regard to norms or traditions, and in the face of criticism, he blames fake news and continues with whatever he was doing.

In foreign policy, he only sees one point or aspect of a situation, and therefore never considers how circumstances fit together or form a larger picture. Thus, his policies often don’t align with previous or subsequent policies, nor do they coordinate with other policies. U.S. allies usually rank his trustworthiness lower than that of Xi Jinping, according to polls.

America’s domestic situation is even more embarrassing. When Trump was elected four years ago, he lost the popular vote to his opponent, Hillary Clinton. After he took office, he actively and repeatedly carved up America’s diverse society along racial, religious, urban-rural and party lines so that now, divisions are even deeper: left or right, blue (Democrats) or red (Republicans). The middle class has deteriorated, while the rich have become richer and the poor have become poorer. Big corporations have gotten bigger, and small and medium-sized businesses, which can create the most jobs, have dwindled.

Most worrisome, however, is the current trend toward political violence. There are more guns in the U.S. than in any other country. With a population of 330 million, the country has 270 million guns. Although politicians have fought over whether to pass more restrictive gun laws in the past, no one has been willing to introduce definitive legislation on gun control.

This past June, fearing that racial unrest and the Black Lives Matter movement would spread to Washington, D.C., and put the White House in danger, Trump ordered state governors to quickly fly 5,000 National Guard troops to patrol the capital. In the end, Republican governors sent 3,800 troops. (One Democratic governor symbolically sent fewer than 100.) Trump ordered the troops (not the D.C. police) to use tear gas to disperse peaceful protesters in front of the White House, a move that caused a national outcry. Eventually, the secretary of defense and chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff apologized, admitting that the military should not be involved in politics. So Trump has now begun to encourage militia groups like the Proud Boys to “stand back and stand by.” He even claimed he would deploy U.S. troops to cities with Democratic leaders to protect people and property. Had the Democratic governor of Michigan been successfully kidnapped recently, it would be unbearable to imagine the effect it would have had on current politics.

Trump has repeatedly asserted, “The only way we’re going to lose this election is if the election is rigged.” He has also refused to commit to a peaceful transition of power. Republicans have even accused the three Democratic-led states in the West (California, Oregon and Washington) of planning to declare independence if Democrats lose the election. All of this has only deepened the feelings of opposition and hatred in the U.S., adding to the threat of violence in a major election that has historically been run with decorum.

Will flaring tempers die down after the election on Nov. 3? If one side wins overwhelmingly, things might return to normal. However, if the vote is close, a long 79 days of fighting will just have begun (until Inauguration Day on Jan. 20, as stipulated in the Constitution).

This year, in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, as many as one-third of all ballots may be mailed in. Because most states wait until Election Day to open the ballot boxes and start counting, and the verification procedures for mail-in ballots are complex, tallying votes will inevitably take a long time. Moreover, more Democrats favor mail-in voting — 69% compared with 19% of Republicans. Trump has repeatedly rejected the legitimacy of mail-in voting and used his presidential power to interfere in postal operations. He has even called for using the number of votes on Election Day as the final tally.

Hundreds of leading lawyers from both sides will probably litigate related political and legal disputes from Election Day all the way until Dec. 14, when the Electoral College votes. It was at this point in the famous 2000 presidential election between George W. Bush and Al Gore that the Supreme Court issued a ruling and Gore conceded defeat. This year, however, the fight very well may continue until Jan. 6, when the new Congress counts electoral votes, or it may even extend until Jan. 20 if Congress joins in the fight.

The most famous precedent in U.S. history is from 1876, when the presidential candidates, one representing the North and one the South, respectively won the popular and electoral vote. Seeing that the country was set to have two inaugurations, two presidents and two commanders in chief, a private agreement was made to cede the election to the North, which consented to withdrawing troops that had remained in the South after the Civil War. This agreement also delayed voting rights for Black people. It wasn’t until the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that America truly extended democracy to all people.

Of course we don’t want history to repeat itself like this. But unless one side wins the election overwhelmingly, American democracy will be thrown into turmoil. Unfortunately, if this happens, Taiwan, tied to the U.S. by the Tsai Ing-wen government, will enter a dark period.


美國民主的挑戰時刻

川普總統是美國政壇罕見的素人,更是百年難遇的政治狂人。四年來他對美國方方面面衝擊,直如一枚核彈。

論個人作風,他講話信口開河,從不在乎證據。他做事隨心所欲,常不依規則或傳統。遇到批評,他直斥fake news(假新聞)後就繼續我行我素。

對外政策他只看到「點」,沒有「線」更沒有「面」的思考,所以政策經常前後不連結,左右不協調。在多次盟國民調中,他的可信度竟常低於習近平。

國內情形更難堪。四年前他當選的總票數原本就不及對手希拉蕊柯林頓。上任後更積極沿著種族、宗教、城鄉、黨派的界線反覆切割美國的多元社會,以致國內裂痕加深,非左即右,非藍(民主黨)即紅(共和黨)。中產階級也全面弱化,富者愈富、窮者愈窮。大公司愈來愈大,最能創造就業的中小企業愈來愈少。

最令人擔心的,是當前政治的暴力傾向。美國原本就是槍枝最氾濫的國家,三億三的人口竟擁有二億七的槍枝。過去政客爭辯要不要立法管制,但沒人會刻意撩撥。

今年六月川普怕種族動亂及「黑命貴」運動蔓延到華府將危及白宮,就要求全國州長緊急派遣五千國民兵由軍機運到華府護駕。最後只有共和黨籍的州長湊出三千八百人(民主黨僅一州象徵性出不到百人)。川普命令他們(而不是華府警察)用催淚彈驅散白宮前的和平示威者,激起全國大譁。最後國防部長及三軍聯席會議首長先後道歉,承認軍人不該介入政治。川普於是改而鼓勵民兵組織如「驕傲男孩」「站在(我)身後,隨時待命」,甚至宣稱將「調動美軍」到「民主黨執政的城市」、「保護生命財產」。日前民主黨籍密西根州長如被某組織成功綁架,政治效應實不忍想像。

川普還一再聲稱「我不會輸,除非他們作票」,也不承諾選輸將和平轉移政權;共和黨人甚至指控民主黨執政的美西三州(加州、奧勒岡州、華盛頓州)將在大選失利後宣布脫離聯邦獨立。凡此種種都加深美國內部的對立與仇恨,讓過去「揖讓而升,下而飲」的大選蒙上濃濃火藥味。

十一月三日投票完畢,激情就結束?答案是,如一方壓倒性獲勝,一切可能回歸正常。但如果票數接近,長達七十九天(至明年一月廿日憲法規定的新總統就職日)的抗戰才剛要開始。

由於新冠疫情影響,今年可能高達三分之一選票改由郵寄投出。因多數州都在投票日當天才開箱計票,而郵寄票的驗票程序複雜,計票時間必然拉長。再由於民主黨支持者傾向郵寄投票比率,以六九%多於共和黨的十九%,所以川普多次否定郵寄投票的正當性,並用公權力干擾郵局作業,甚至主張投票當天開出的票數就算拍板。

相關政治與法律爭議在雙方幾百名頂尖律師協助下,極可能從投票日一路吵到十二月十四日的選舉人投票日。著名的千禧年布希與高爾政爭就在此時由最高法院裁定及高爾認輸後終結。但今年極可能延燒到新國會一月六日的決算,甚至連新國會都加入政爭直奔一月廿日。

美國歷史上最著名的先例,是一八七六年代表北方州與南方州的兩位候選人,分別贏得總票數與選舉人票。眼看就要出現兩個就職大典、兩個總統、兩個最高統帥,才在倒數第二天通過密室協商把總統大位給了北方,但北方同意撤退內戰後一直留在南方的軍隊,而且延後實施黑人參政權。這一延就到一九六四年民權法案通過,美國才實現真正的全民民主。

我們當然不希望歷史如此重演,但除非一方壓倒性勝利,否則美國民主必將激烈動盪。若然,被蔡政府緊綁在美國上的台灣,恐怕要跟著進入煎熬期了。

This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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