The Ethnicity of the U.S. Ambassador Does Not Alter America’s China Policy

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 11 March 2011
by Yu Yongsheng (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Liangzi He. Edited by Hoishan Chan.
On March 9, U.S. President Barack Obama formally nominated Secretary of Commerce Gary Locke as the next ambassador to China, succeeding the incumbent ambassador Jon Huntsman, who will leave in April. According to American law, this nomination has not yet been approved by Congress. However, based on Gary Locke’s situation, the possibility that Congress will veto this nomination is very small. After the announcement of Obama’s nomination, a majority of the senators welcomed the approach. Therefore, the Chinese will welcome the first “compatriot” U.S. ambassador a month later if there’s no accident.

This nomination shows that the Obama administration attaches great importance to relations with China, because from a historical view, the situation that an incumbent minister is made an ambassador is seldom seen in the U.S. Many ambassador positions are filled by former officials, and what is special this time is that Gary Locke is currently in a relatively important position — Secretary of Commerce. As for the nominee being a Chinese-American, Chinese citizens obviously feel warm about it, which can achieve the goal of attempting to narrow the distance between the two countries, since everybody knows that the Chinese people think highly of this “compatriot” friendship. In fact, Obama didn’t deny this kind of consideration. He claimed during the announcement of the nomination that the China-U.S. relationship is one of the most important bilateral relations in the 21st century; and as a descendant of Chinese immigrants, Gary Locke is the right person to carry forward the bilateral cooperation. Since Chinese-American Wang Xiaomin has taken office as the U.S. envoy before the lunar new year, after Gary Locke takes office, the first- and second-in-command at the U.S. embassy in China will both be Chinese-Americans.

This news has made the Chinese public full of anticipation. Many people think that Gary Locke’s Chinese background may make the U.S. have more “pro-China” policies in the country; if there’s trouble between China and the United States, Gary Locke will have more sympathy and understanding toward China.

As a matter of fact, this kind of Chinese way of thinking is very typical of the East; most Americans, including Gary Locke himself, cannot understand this. Even though Locke is Chinese-American, he is also a professional politician after all; dealing with the relationship between national interests and personal blood background is the first lesson that all American minorities should learn when beginning their political career. If he cannot even handle this relationship, Gary Locke couldn’t have achieved today’s position. This is like Obama being of Kenyan descent, but he will never abuse his presidential power to fulfill Kenya’s interests at the expense of American interests.

In fact, being of Chinese descent or understanding China is nothing like being “pro-China.” For example, former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd is a typical “China expert,” this man can not only speak fluent Chinese, but also has an authentic Chinese name. His diplomacy toward China, however, is far less friendly than his predecessor John Howard. Not only that, if one fails to handle it properly, a Chinese background may even become a burden, restraining him from being friendly to China. From a historical view, daring to break through pressure of public opinion and developing friendship with China is more likely to happen with conservative politicians instead. Nixon is a typical example. Most Chinese people feel very friendly toward the name “Nixon,” and regard him as the American founder of the China-U.S. relationship. But actually, the reason why Nixon could have risen from the extremely competitive U.S. domestic political arena was that he had previously had a strong anti-communism stance. Because of that, it was unnecessary for him to worry about being accused of being a “communization element,” and that’s why he boldly began the “ice-breaking” journey to China, which has greatly changed the historical progress.

Clearly, pinning hope on Gary Locke’s Chinese background to soften America’s policy toward China is only one side’s wish. Gary Locke’s ambassadorial duties don’t give him such power, and his own political literacy also doesn’t allow him to be so naive. In the former case, the ambassador has a “connective” role to deliver information between two countries; people who constitute diplomatic policy are the president and the secretary of state. In the latter case, Gary Locke’s footing toward China is no softer than any other U.S. officials. At the June 2010 hearing of U.S. trade policies toward China, Gary Locke claimed that he would make every effort to knock off China’s trade barriers, and he was ready to take China to the WTO if the dialogue failed. On other issues, like the openness of China’s market and the RMB exchange rate, this “compatriot” also expressed similarly strong positions. Therefore, pointing to China’s public opinion that expects Gary Locke to be more “pro-China,” the British “Financial Times” indicated in an article that if Chinese officials contacted Locke with such an attitude after he takes office, they would be very shocked because Locke has always actively defended America’s interests in China-U.S. trade as the secretary of Commerce.

In fact, the development trend of China-U.S. relations is based on the two countries’ mutual strategic demands. At present, the mutual China-U.S. strategic demands show a shifting trend, as China becomes increasingly active and positive in the relationship. Under this condition, we don’t need to pin our hope on the change of U.S. diplomatic personnel to improve and develop the bilateral relationship, not to mention the fact that this kind of hope is simply unrealistic. On the contrary, Gary Locke’s Chinese background may contribute to the Chinese people’s growing affection and affinity toward the U.S. government, which may lead China to constitute a more “pro-U.S.” foreign policy. This is another important factor behind Obama’s nomination of Gary Locke as the ambassador to China.


美国对华政策与大使族裔没关系
2011-03-11 09:08东方网

摘要:有华裔血统或对中国了解,与‘亲华’完全不是一回事。
  余永胜 特约撰稿人

  3月9日,美国总统奥巴马正式提名商务部长骆家辉为下任驻华大使,以接任将于4月离任的现任大使洪博培。根据美国法律,这一提名尚需经过国会批准。不过,根据骆家辉的情况,国会否决这一提名的可能性极小。奥巴马的提名决定宣布后,多数参议员都表示了欢迎态度。所以,如果没有意外的话,中国人将在一个月后首次迎来自己的“同胞”美国大使。

  这个提名表明,奥巴马政府高度重视对华关系,因为从历史上看,美国驻外大使由现任部长转任的情况非常少见,很多甚至是由离职的前官员出任的,而且骆家辉还是分量较重的商务部长。至于提名华裔,显然有让中国民众感到亲切,以此拉近两国距离的意图,因为谁都知道,中国人比较看重“同胞”情谊。事实上,奥巴马也不讳言这样的考虑。他在宣布这项提名时说,中美关系是21世纪最重要的双边关系之一,作为一个中国移民的后裔,骆家辉是继续推进两国合作的正确人选。由于同为华裔的王晓岷已经在春节前上任美国驻华公使,骆家辉上任后,美国驻华使馆的“一、二把手”将都由华裔担任。

  这样的消息让中国舆论充满了期待。很多人的想法是,骆家辉的华裔背景将会使美国对华政策更“亲华”,在中美发生事端时,骆家辉会比前任们更多地同情和理解中国。

  其实,这是非常富有东方特色的中国式想法,包括骆家辉本人在内的绝大多数美国人,都不会这么理解。因为骆家辉虽然是华裔,但毕竟是一名职业政客,处理好国家利益与个人血统背景的关系,是所有少数族裔美国人从政之初就必须过的一关。如果连这一点都做不到,骆家辉根本不可能坐到今天的位子。这就好比奥巴马虽然是肯尼亚后裔,但他决不会也不敢滥用总统职权,牺牲美国利益成全肯尼亚利益一样。

  事实上,有华裔血统或对中国了解,与“亲华”完全不是一回事。比如,澳大利亚前总理陆克文就是个典型的“知华派”,此公不仅能说一口流利的中文,还起了地道的中文名字,但其对华外交远没有前任霍华德友好。不仅如此,如果处理不好,华裔背景还有可能成为包袱,使其放不开对华友好的手脚。从历史上看,敢于冲破舆论压力,突破性地发展对华关系的,反倒更可能是保守政客。尼克松就是个典型例子。中国人大都对“尼克松”这个名字感到很亲切,觉得他是中美关系的美方奠基人。但实际上,尼克松之所以能够崛起于强者如林的美国政坛,主要得益于其早年强硬的反共立场。正因为如此,他根本不用担心被指责为“赤化分子”,所以才敢放开手脚对中国进行改变了历史进程的“破冰之旅”。

  显然,寄希望于骆家辉的华裔背景能够软化美国对华政策,只是一厢情愿的想法。骆家辉的大使职务既没有这个权力,他本人的政治素养也不会使他这样天真。就前者而言,大使主要是向两国政府传递信息的“连结性”角色,外交政策的制定权在总统、国务卿那里。就后者而言,骆家辉本人在涉华问题上的立场一点也不比其他美国官员软弱。在2010年6月的美国对华贸易政策听证会上,骆家辉称“将尽一切手段敲掉中国的贸易壁垒”,“随时准备在对话失败的情况下将中国诉诸WTO”。其他如中国市场开放度、人民币汇率等问题上,这位“同胞”也表达过类似的激烈立场。所以,针对中国舆论期待骆家辉更“亲华”的想法,英国《金融时报》发表文章指出,“如果骆家辉获得正式任命后,中国官员以这样的态度跟他打交道,他们很可能会感到强烈震撼。作为商务部长,骆家辉一直在美中贸易中积极捍卫美国利益。”

  事实上,中美关系的发展大势是由两国的相互战略需求决定的。目前,中美两国的相互战略需求呈此消彼长之势,中国在中美关系中的地位也越来越积极主动。在此情况下,我们根本不必寄希望于美国外交人事上的更迭来改善和发展两国关系,且不说这样的期待也根本不现实。相反,骆家辉的华裔背景却有利于增加中国民众对美国政府的好感和亲和性,从而有助于中国制定更加“亲美“的外交政策。而这,正是奥巴马提名骆家辉出任驻华大使的重要考量之一。
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