Israel Against Obama
Published in Le Monde
(France) on 20 November 2009
by Caroline Fourest (link to original)
The Israeli Government is obviously doing everything it can to undermine the efforts of Barack Obama. The decision to allow construction of 900 additional homes in the occupied territories of East Jerusalem "appalled" the U.S. president. Some people say it marks a turning point in U.S.-Israeli relations. No one can predict its impact yet.
“Now or Maybe Never” (edited by André Versaille) is the title of Elie Barnavi’s plea in favor of "an American peace in the Middle East." A precise and powerful tale, it reminds us of the obstacles encountered by peace on both sides. Barnavi hopes that the momentum generated by Obama can get us out of the longest major contemporary conflict. Agreements exist, and plans to end the Israel-Palestine fight have been ready for a long time, but Obama lacks the political determination and support to sign any of them. This is no small hurdle.
One cannot fail to notice that today, undoubtedly more than in the past, the Israeli government bears the responsibility for blocking agreements with Palestine. By insisting on missing the deadline, the diehards of the Israeli cause have strengthened the hardliners of the Palestinian cause: the Muslim Brothers of Hamas. The fanatics on both sides have devoured the fragile reason of this region. Today, Israel faces two embryos of a Palestinian state. One grows in the shade of an insufferable representative who wants it dead, and the other grows in the hands of a discredited and powerless associate: Mahmoud Abbas.
In theory, the division between Gaza and the West Bank could play in favor of peace. In an ideal world, the Palestinian Authority would proclaim itself a "Palestinian state" with the aid of the international community to normalize relations with Israel. Palestine would then negotiate with Hamas from a forceful position on the subject of Gaza. But for the Palestinian Authority to be in power, it must at least obtain the freezing of Israeli settlements. Barack Obama is asking for this freeze. Israel is refusing.
One would like to think that this most recent intransigence by Israel is a gallant last stand, the umpteenth attempt to garner a bargaining chip before giving up the occupied territories. Alas, it was long ago that Israel's accumulation of bargaining chips made negotiations with them look like a headlong rush to suicide.
Aside from using colonies as human shields, Israel maintains a fanaticism that is not the least of its "internal" enemies. Israel Defense Forces (IDF) was infiltrated by orthodox servicemen fighting on behalf of God and no longer on behalf of the nation. The Israeli army’s disproportionate use of violence in response to harassment reveals their loss of reason.
The fact that the United States had to use its veto power once again to prevent a further indictment of Israel under the Goldstone report regarding the war in Gaza weakens the U.S. position to impose peace a little bit more. If Obama does not get peace in exchange for freezing the settlements, his promise and its diplomatic strength will be worthless.
In contrast, the Bush page has been turned. The illusion of a clash between the Muslim bloc and Western bloc survived. On the "Western" side, the change in U.S. tone and European firmness against Israel should leave no doubt about that fact. As for the "Muslim bloc," it has never existed outside the superficial alliances in the United Nations. It is time to rediscover a true Muslim bloc. Between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the Cold War is heating up again. Shiites and Sunnis will no longer maintain competition within Iraqi borders, but will begin fighting in Yemen and Pakistan, as well.
Allies change sides. The theory of the "clash of civilizations" - which served as a model, or rather a foil, for the post-9/11 era - no longer has any relevance. The Middle East's issues are undressing to appear in their sad nudity: simple conflicts of interest.
“Now or Maybe Never” (edited by André Versaille) is the title of Elie Barnavi’s plea in favor of "an American peace in the Middle East." A precise and powerful tale, it reminds us of the obstacles encountered by peace on both sides. Barnavi hopes that the momentum generated by Obama can get us out of the longest major contemporary conflict. Agreements exist, and plans to end the Israel-Palestine fight have been ready for a long time, but Obama lacks the political determination and support to sign any of them. This is no small hurdle.
One cannot fail to notice that today, undoubtedly more than in the past, the Israeli government bears the responsibility for blocking agreements with Palestine. By insisting on missing the deadline, the diehards of the Israeli cause have strengthened the hardliners of the Palestinian cause: the Muslim Brothers of Hamas. The fanatics on both sides have devoured the fragile reason of this region. Today, Israel faces two embryos of a Palestinian state. One grows in the shade of an insufferable representative who wants it dead, and the other grows in the hands of a discredited and powerless associate: Mahmoud Abbas.
In theory, the division between Gaza and the West Bank could play in favor of peace. In an ideal world, the Palestinian Authority would proclaim itself a "Palestinian state" with the aid of the international community to normalize relations with Israel. Palestine would then negotiate with Hamas from a forceful position on the subject of Gaza. But for the Palestinian Authority to be in power, it must at least obtain the freezing of Israeli settlements. Barack Obama is asking for this freeze. Israel is refusing.
One would like to think that this most recent intransigence by Israel is a gallant last stand, the umpteenth attempt to garner a bargaining chip before giving up the occupied territories. Alas, it was long ago that Israel's accumulation of bargaining chips made negotiations with them look like a headlong rush to suicide.
Aside from using colonies as human shields, Israel maintains a fanaticism that is not the least of its "internal" enemies. Israel Defense Forces (IDF) was infiltrated by orthodox servicemen fighting on behalf of God and no longer on behalf of the nation. The Israeli army’s disproportionate use of violence in response to harassment reveals their loss of reason.
The fact that the United States had to use its veto power once again to prevent a further indictment of Israel under the Goldstone report regarding the war in Gaza weakens the U.S. position to impose peace a little bit more. If Obama does not get peace in exchange for freezing the settlements, his promise and its diplomatic strength will be worthless.
In contrast, the Bush page has been turned. The illusion of a clash between the Muslim bloc and Western bloc survived. On the "Western" side, the change in U.S. tone and European firmness against Israel should leave no doubt about that fact. As for the "Muslim bloc," it has never existed outside the superficial alliances in the United Nations. It is time to rediscover a true Muslim bloc. Between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the Cold War is heating up again. Shiites and Sunnis will no longer maintain competition within Iraqi borders, but will begin fighting in Yemen and Pakistan, as well.
Allies change sides. The theory of the "clash of civilizations" - which served as a model, or rather a foil, for the post-9/11 era - no longer has any relevance. The Middle East's issues are undressing to appear in their sad nudity: simple conflicts of interest.
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