Strengthening the Japan–America Alliance through Prime Minister Kan’s Diplomacy and the Resolution of Security Crises

Published in Yomiuri Shimbun
(Japan) on 6 January 2011
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Tom Derbish. Edited by Amy Wong.
Currently, two challenges are confronting the Japan–America alliance.

First is the righting of Japan and America's relationship, which has been worsening since the start of the Hatoyama administration in the fall of 2009. Second is the response to the deteriorating security situation in East Asia, including China and North Korea.

How many of these challenges can the Kan cabinet overcome? It's likely that the administration's fate is directly linked to these very important diplomatic issues. They must make a serious effort to tackle these problems.

Progress on Futenma is Crucial

The keys to rebuilding an even stronger Japanese–American relationship are Prime Minister Kan's visit to America this spring and the publication of a partnership document regarding the deepening of the Japan–America alliance.

Presentation of the partnership document was originally scheduled for last year, the 50th anniversary of the revised U.S.–Japan Security Treaty. However, former Prime Minister Hatoyama irresponsibly preached about a “fair Japan–America alliance”* and derailed the relocation problem of Futenma, the American military airfield. As a result, the work to deepen the alliance slowed, and the presentation was delayed.

Needless to say, it is not the presentation itself but the content of the partnership document that is essential.

It will reconfirm the 1996 Japan–America joint declaration that, even after the Cold war, the Japan–America alliance is the foundation of stability and prosperity in Asia. It will also work out cooperative defense guidelines for Japan and America.

It is also important for the new partnership document to first display a higher level of cooperative defense between Japan and America in the 21st century and then to connect that to operations that will make it a reality.

At the same time, progress on Futenma is also vital.

Okinawa Prefectural Governor Nakaima Hirokazu was re-elected last November, touting a commitment to “relocation (of Futenma) to outside the prefecture.”* Looking from an objective position, it will not be easy to convince the governor to relocate the base within the prefecture.

However, we can’t allow the Kan administration to use this as a reason for doing nothing and planning nothing, as it has it the past. There needs to be an increased effort to persuade the governor and his people.

Accomplishing the relocation of Futenma, as well as transfer of the 8,000 Marines there to Guam, will be a massive relief for Okinawa. The government should seriously discuss with the Okinawa representatives how they will utilize the large area of land that will be restored by removing Futenma and how they will construct a new future for Okinawa.

Other important matters regarding the reorganization of US military forces, such as the transferring of aircraft carrier planes from Atsugi base to Iwakuni base, still remain unsolved. The sound resolution of these issues will boost the reliability and the durability of the Japan–America alliance.

Deepen the Strategic Debate Regarding China

Attacks from North Korea on the South Korean submarine and the South Korean island of Yeonpyeong, the collision incident of the Chinese fishing boat in the open sea around the Senkaku archipelago, the near miss of the Chinese navy helicopter on the SDF ship ... Incidents concerning Japanese security came one after another last year. It wouldn’t be strange if this year is no different.

The importance of the Japan–America alliance is growing, as both a foundation for diplomacy towards North Korea and China and also as a source of military deterrence.

It is important to strengthen the multilateral cooperation of Japan and America, along with South Korea, Australia and India, in order to cope with North Korea’s nuclear missile threat as well as China’s continuing friction with its neighbors about the creation of security rules in the South and East China seas.

Especially important are relations with South Korea. Among the relationships between Japan, South Korea and America, the Japan–South Korea relationship is probably the weakest.

Japan–South Korea relations have been extremely good since the auspicious beginning of Lee Myung-bak’s administration. How about a presentation of a partnership document regarding politics and security when President Lee formally comes to Japan? I would also like to see deeper arguments about setting a plan for the Japanese evacuation from the Korean peninsula in the event of an emergency and about Japanese–Korean cooperation.

Urging China, which has become both an economic and military superpower, to take responsible action is a common problem for Japan and America. Security in East Asia, the world's environment, the energy crisis: Solving these problems is likely to be difficult without China's help.

What method will be effective in getting China to agree to international cooperative actions and to play a part befitting its national power? It is vital that Japan and America work closely to create middle and long-term strategies to answer this question.

Alongside diplomatic efforts, it is also important for Japan to strengthen it defensive structure.

In the defensive scheme decided last December, the new concept of “Dynamic Defense” was laid out. Through increased deployment of SDF ground forces and submarines to the Ryukyu Islands, we can strengthen our guarding and observational activities and elevate our abilities to deal with various situations.

Send Medical Officers to Afghanistan

We should also expand our international peace cooperation activities. Sending medical officers to Afghanistan, along with ending oil operations in the Indian Ocean, marks Japan’s return to the international community’s “War on Terror.”

We hesitated sending SDF ground forces into the Sudan last year as part of the U.N. peacekeeping operations, but if new reconstruction support operations begin in southern Sudan, we should try to really send troops this time. As a countermeasure to piracy in the sea around Somalia, P3C patrols planes might be effective.

Japan playing a more active role on the security front may be useful in deepening the Japan–America alliance.

*Editor's Note: These quotes, though accurately translated, could not be verified.


菅外交と安保 危機克服へ日米同盟の深化を(1月6日付・読売社説)


日米同盟は今、二つの試練に直面している。
 
一つは、一昨年秋の鳩山政権発足以降、悪化していた日米関係の立て直しだ。もう一つは、中国、北朝鮮を含む東アジアの安全保障情勢の悪化への対応である。

菅内閣は、これらの試練をいかに乗り切るのか。政権の命運にも直結しかねない日本外交の最重要課題だ。本腰を入れて、取り組まなければなるまい。

 ◆「普天間」前進が重要だ◆

より強固な日米関係を再構築するためのカギは、今春に予定される菅首相の訪米と、日米同盟の深化に関する共同文書の公表だ。

共同文書は当初、安保条約改定50周年の昨年に発表する予定だった。だが、鳩山前首相が無責任に「対等な日米同盟」を唱え、米軍普天間飛行場の移設問題を迷走させた結果、同盟深化の作業が遅れ、先送りされてしまった。

無論、肝心なのは文書の発表自体ではなく、その内容だ。

1996年の日米安保共同宣言は、日米同盟が冷戦後もアジアの安定と繁栄の基礎であり続けることを再確認し、日米防衛協力指針の見直しを打ち出した。

新たな共同文書も、21世紀における、より高度な日米防衛協力のあり方を明示し、その後の具体化作業につなげることが肝要だ。

同時に欠かせないのが、やはり普天間問題の前進である。

沖縄県の仲井真弘多知事は昨年11月の知事選で、「県外移設」を公約に掲げて再選された。客観情勢として、知事を県内移設に翻意させるのは簡単ではない。

だが、それを理由に、菅政権が従来のように無為無策でいることは許されない。知事らへの説得の努力を倍加する必要がある。

普天間移設と海兵隊8000人のグアム移転を完遂することは沖縄にとって画期的な負担軽減となる。返還される広大な米軍施設跡地をいかに有効活用し、新たな沖縄の未来を築くのか、政府は沖縄側と真剣に話し合うべきだ。

在日米軍再編では他にも、米軍厚木基地の空母艦載機の岩国基地移駐など重要案件が残っている。これらの着実な実行が日米同盟の信頼性と持続性を高めよう。

◆対中戦略の議論深めよ◆

北朝鮮による韓国艦船と延坪島への攻撃、中国による尖閣諸島沖の漁船衝突事件や海軍ヘリの自衛隊艦船への異常接近……。昨年は日本の安全保障にかかわる事件が相次いだ。今年も、同様の事態が発生しても不思議ではない。

対北朝鮮・中国外交の基盤としても、軍事的抑止力としても、日米同盟の重要性は増している。

北朝鮮の核・ミサイルの脅威への対処や、中国と周辺国のあつれき軋轢が続く東シナ海や南シナ海での安全確保のルール作りには、日米両国に韓国や豪州、インドなどを加えた多国間連携の強化が重要だ。

特に大切なのは韓国との関係である。日米、日韓、米韓の中で最も弱いのが日韓関係だろう。

幸い李明博政権の発足以来、日韓関係は極めて良好だ。李大統領の公式来日時には、政治や安全保障に関する共同文書を発表してはどうか。朝鮮半島有事における邦人退避の計画策定や日韓協力についても議論を深めたい。

経済、軍事両面で大国化した中国に、責任ある行動を促すことは、日米共通の課題である。東アジアの安全保障も、地球規模の環境、エネルギー問題も、中国抜きでは解決が困難だろう。

中国が国際協調行動に呼応し、国力に見合う役割を果たすよう、どう働きかけるのが効果的か。日米間で緊密に対話を重ね、中長期的な戦略を練ることが肝要だ。

外交努力と並行して、日本の防衛体制の強化も欠かせない。

昨年12月に決定した新たな防衛大綱は、「動的防衛力」を新概念として打ち出した。南西諸島への陸上自衛隊部隊の配備や潜水艦の増強などを通じて、警戒・監視活動を強め、様々な事態への対処能力を高めることが求められる。

◆医官をアフガンへ◆

自衛隊の国際平和協力活動も拡充すべきだ。アフガニスタンへの自衛隊医官の派遣は、インド洋での給油活動の終結に伴って離脱した国際社会の「テロとの戦い」に復帰する重要な意味を持つ。

昨年はスーダンでの国連平和維持活動(PKO)への陸自派遣を見送ったが、南部スーダンで新たな復興支援型PKOが始まれば、今度こそ派遣を実現したい。ソマリア沖の海賊対策では、P3C哨戒機の増派が効果的だろう。

日本が安全保障面の役割をより能動的に果たすことは、日米同盟の深化にも役立つはずだ。
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