If Thomas Jefferson Were to Run for the 2012 Presidential Elections

Published in Sina
(China) on 30 September 2011
by Ma Ye (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Liangzi He. Edited by Hoishan Chan.
No one can predict the result of the 2012 U.S. presidential elections. We’ve learned in middle school politics that the economic base determines the superstructure, and such a universal theory also applies to America’s presidential campaigns: In 2004, people from the East Coast and West Coast both hated George W. Bush, but he still won the election. If it were not for Lehman Brothers’ downfall in 2008 and Wall Street’s depression, Republicans would have had a chance to win the elections in 2008. Today the American economy is facing the possibility of a double-dip recession, and Wall Street has begun cutting staff; the hopes of the Democrats and Obama is linked to a series of possibilities.

Once the time comes, the big election will begin. The New York Times has started to report comprehensively on the election very early on, including the candidates’ backgrounds, the two parties’ current situations, poll results and analysis and historical precedents, etc. This year’s election resembles a bit of the 2004 election, since Obama is still in his first term; so from now until next spring, it is just the Republicans’ primaries, and the competition is less fierce than the same period in 2007.

America’s current presidential election is much different from what we learned from books, films and television programs. What we imagined was something like the 1860 election, when Lincoln gave an impassioned abolitionist speech, or like the campaign in 1960, when Kennedy brought his lovely wife to visit and solicit votes. Another 50 years has gone, means of reaching the masses like giving speeches and visiting the masses still exist, but modern communication technology has already turned the elections into a pervasive marathon.

Nowadays, candidates should not only excel in election speeches and debates, but also watch themselves on every occasion, in case some indecent photos of themselves are posted on Twitter, making them global jokes. Every media outlet pays close attention to every single move of all the candidates: When do they eat dinner? With whom? Where do they play golf? Their personal backgrounds are also being precisely researched; a wrong word spoken 20 years ago may sabotage their political future. Harriet Miers, the nominated Supreme Court justice during George Bush’s term, is a lesson: She had supported a woman’s right to abortion in a speech several years earlier, which made her lose support from conservatives.

It seems that these are not enough for candidates, as almost all of this year’s Republican candidates have Twitter and Facebook accounts, and 76-year-old former Texas Congressman Ron Paul is no exception. Of course, these candidates have different styles, and what they posted on Twitter and Facebook are also very different; for example, Michele Bachmann mainly posts her news summaries on Twitter, and Sarah Palin, who hasn’t officially announced her participation in the election, posts more about normal life on Twitter, from criticizing Obama to congratulating her parents’ golden wedding anniversary. Like an experienced user on Twitter, Palin always @ Obama when criticizing him.

These modern communication tools obviously helps voters to know their future president more comprehensively, but they also cause many negative effects. The most prominent aspect is that the voters’ attention is fragmented — as a result of receiving too much mixed and trivial information, which instead leads to negative effects by impairing their judgments. Because of these outcomes, today’s election is more influenced by timing and locations; for example, if a scandal is revealed in the early stages of an election, the candidate can have enough time to distract voters’ attention and dilute the impact of the scandal. If a negative incident were to happen near the election, like Lehman Brother’s bankruptcy in October 2008, the candidate would fail completely, like the Republicans did in 2008.

Sometimes I think about whether some outstanding American presidents in history would be elected presidents today. Former President Thomas Jefferson committed adultery with his black slave for years, and we all know that President John Kennedy was dissolute. These problems were not worthy of mention compared to their achievements, because they won their presidencies through demonstrating their leadership skills and political positions. Due to the lack of communication tools, voters could only see those presidents giving speeches and observe their behavior on formal occasions. Information regarding their private lives was left out because of the capacity of the media. However, those presidents were solely political beings; when they were America’s presidents, they were no longer someone else’s husbands, sons or other roles they played in their lives — they were just presidents. This is what we need to use to judge a president; what he does with his personal life has little to do with his ability to be a president. If in the presidential elections in 1800 Jefferson’s private life was revealed to the public, it would be hard to say whether the masses would make the same decision as they had.



马曳:如果杰斐逊参选2012年总统

2011年09月30日10:37 东方早报

马曳

  2012年美国大选结局如何,现在谁也无法预料。中学政治就教过经济基础决定上层建筑,这种放之四海皆准的道理,在美国大选里也同样看得到:2004年时东西两岸的人如此痛恨小布什,人家照样连任了。如果没有2008年雷曼兄弟的倒台,华尔街一片萧条,共和党在2008年大选时也不至于毫无胜算。现在美国经济面临二次探底的可能,华尔街又开始有裁员的动作,民主党和奥巴马的连任希望,也颤悠悠地悬在这一系列的可能性上。

  话虽这样说,时辰一到,大选的大幕还是要拉开。《纽约时报》在很早以前就开始对大选进行全面的报道,候选人情况,两党现状,民意调查结果及分析,历史选情等等,不一而足。今年的大选和2004年的大选有些相似之处,由于奥巴马仍在其第一届任期内,所以从现在到明年春天都只是共和党的初选阶段,阵势不如2007年时两党你方唱罢我登场那样热闹。

  现如今的美国大选已经和我们从书籍和影视作品中认识的大选相去甚远。我们想象中的大选是1860年大选时林肯慷慨激昂的废奴演讲,或者1960年大选时肯尼迪带着娇小可人的太太访问拉票。又半个世纪过去,演讲或访问群众这些元素当然都还在,但现代通讯传媒的力量已经进一步把选举变成一个无孔不入的马拉松历程:

  如今的候选人不但要在与选举相关的发言和辩论时博出彩,还得在与选举无关的场合小心谨慎,举止得当,免得无意间被某个路人拍下不雅照片传到Twitter上去,成为全球笑柄。各路媒体时刻关心每个候选人的一切动作:什么时候和谁吃了饭,去哪里打了一场高尔夫球;对候选人从小到大的个人历史上的蛛丝马迹都要研究清楚,二十年前说错的一句话也可能断送掉一个人的政治前程——布什任期内被提名过最高法院大法官的Harriet Miers就是前车之鉴,她被挖出在多年前的一个讲话上支持过女性在堕胎问题上的选择权,就此失去了保守派的欢心。

  仿佛这些还不够似的,今年共和党几乎每个初选候选人都有自己的Twitter和脸书账户,连已经76岁高龄的前德州众议员保罗也不例外。当然,这些候选人的风格不同,其上传至Twitter或脸书的内容也有很大区别,Michele Bachmann的Twitter基本上是她的新闻汇总,而还没正式宣布参选的佩林的Twitter则含有更多普通人Twitter的内容,从批判奥巴马到祝贺父母金婚。就像一个Twitter的老用户一样,佩林批评奥巴马的时候还经常@奥巴马。

  这些现代化的传播工具当然有助于选民更全方位地了解他们未来的总统,但也造成了许多负面影响。最突出的一条是选民注意力的分散化——人们接受到过多过杂且细枝末节的信息,往往反而会对判断造成不利影响。也因为如此,如今的选举中天时地利往往起到过大的影响:如果一件丑闻在选举早期就被披露出来,候选人常有足够的时间来分散选民的注意力,淡化丑闻影响。但如果不利事件在临近选举时发生,如2008年10月的雷曼兄弟破产事件,则会如共和党般因措手不及而造成在选举中惨败的局面。

  有些时候我会想,那些美国历史上功绩卓著的总统们,如果恰逢今日,是不是还会被美国人选为总统?杰斐逊总统曾与他的黑奴私通多年,后世人皆知肯尼迪总统风流。这些问题在我们今天看来和他们的成就相比不足一提,那是因为他们已经依靠个人的领导艺术和政治主张等获得了成为总统并施展拳脚的机会。因为通信手段的落后,选民在当时看到的是发表公开演说的总统,以及他们在正式场合的表现。私人场合下的信息,就算在当时存在,也会因为媒体承载量的不足而被筛除。这从很大程度上保证了政治人物的政治性:在他担任总统时,他不再是张三李四王二麻子时候的他,他是美利坚合众国的总统。这才是与选举有关的判断,一个人在私生活方面如何,往往与他能否胜任领导人的角色关系不大。但如果1800年大选时的美国人有机会通过Twitter得知杰斐逊复杂的家庭关系,还会不会做出同样的政治选择,真的很难说。
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