Russia Cannot Walk America’s Road

Published in Xinhua
(China) on 30 September 2011
by Wang Yusheng (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jeffrey King. Edited by Derek Ha.
On Sept. 24, at his own party congress, Medvedev officially nominated Putin to run in next year’s presidential election. After hearing the news, America’s reaction could be described as one of mixed feelings, triggering reflection among Americans. Putin’s nomination had been expected for quite some time but was still not something that the U.S. was looking forward to.

The U.S. government’s reaction has been calm, with the government repeatedly emphasizing that although Putin has been hoping to ascend to the presidency again, America’s efforts to “reset” U.S.-Russian relations will continue. This is still the case. Several years ago, Bush and Putin took office at about the same time. In June, after Bush’s first visit with Putin, Bush eloquently remarked that “I looked [Putin] in the eye” and could tell that he is “very straightforward and trustworthy.” Bush continued, “I looked the man in the eye. I was able to get a sense of his soul. He is a man deeply committed to his country…I admire Putin, I like him.” This was Bush trying to ensnare Putin with flattery, for which Putin returned the favor by saying a few words praising Bush. It was a mutual demonstration of friendship. After this, the relations between the two countries eased a bit. During the anti-terror campaign and the war in Afghanistan, Russia gave America some much-needed support and help. However, the U.S. continuously cramped Russia’s international strategic space by criticizing Russia’s backsliding on democracy. The result was that within only one year’s time, when Bush again “looked [Putin] in the eye” in Germany, he no longer liked or admired him. The relations between the two countries entered a phase of selective confrontation and selective cooperation.

Obama’s new foreign policy emphasizes a “reset” in U.S.-Russian relations. Russia has also reciprocated by cooperating a little with the U.S. on issues like nuclear weapons and Libya. But after being in office for only two years, Obama, while on a visit to Russia, openly praised Medvedev, but criticized Putin. Obama stated that he had developed a “very good relationship” with Medvedev, but criticized Putin for his “big regression in democracy.” He stated, “Putin has one foot in the old ways of doing business and one foot in the new. The old Cold War approaches to U.S.-Russian relations is outdated.” Obama continued to say that Putin needs to be “guided.” Additionally, while American Vice President Biden was visiting Russia this year, he went so far as to reveal his policy to persuade Medvedev that he should run for president in next year’s election.

It is thus clear that America’s preference and expectations are quite obvious and that, apparently, the U.S. is more concerned than the Russian citizens over the issue of “who is in and who is out” with regards to Putin and Medvedev.

It is no wonder then that even though America’s official response has been quite calm, American experts, scholars and the media are vehemently presenting their views and offering many interpretations of the events. They are saying that as a member of the party representing democratic reform, Medvedev obviously receives America’s good graces. When facing the outside world, Medvedev is milder and does not resemble Putin and his antagonistic style. The Return of the King means that for the next several years, Russia will continue to walk the road of authoritarianism, perhaps indicating that the Russian people may never again show interest in the beauty of freedom. Putin might become the next Brezhnev or Stalin, in effect becoming the new tsar.

Obviously, America’s hopes have not panned out. Russia has not and cannot walk America’s road. For Russia, it can only be like this. In an age where the process of qualitative changes is accelerating, conditional cooperation between the U.S. and Russia is still essential and is in accordance with the interests of both sides. If Putin is able to get elected in next year’s election without a hitch, the Obama administration will still want to “reset” U.S.-Russian relations, but if Obama loses the election at the end of the year and the Republican Party rises to power, there will perhaps be a whole set of new variables.

However, looking at the history of America’s international relations, the Republicans will not necessarily steer U.S.-Russian relations towards confrontation. In the last few years, the U.S. has put in quite a bit of effort in instigating trouble between China and Russia. Even the regular Russian-Japanese joint military exercises were described as a collaboration to restrain China. Not long ago, the U.S. put out a meaningful signal: In this new era of significant changes to the balance of international power, the U.S. should adjust its strategy and study the policies and strategies of Nixon and Kissinger. During those years, the two first drew in and then joined China in opposing the Soviet Union. They stood on China’s shoulders to reach Moscow. This time, they might do the exact opposite and draw in Russia and appropriately unite with them in containing China. Regarding this, we must remain highly vigilant. In America’s next general election, no matter who takes power, there is the possibility that the U.S. will use this insidious trick.


9月24日,梅德韦杰夫在其党的代表大会上,正式提名普京明年竞选总统。消息传出后,美国反应可谓“五味杂陈”,发人深思。这本来是美国意料中的事,但毕竟不是它期盼的。

美国官方表现看似“淡定”,一再强调,尽管普京有望重登总统宝座,但美致力的美俄关系“重启”将会继续下去。此话不假。当年,小布什和普京几乎同时上台执政。6月,小布什第一次会见普京后意味深长地说,从“普京的眼神”可以看出,“他是个可信赖的朋友”。他还说,“望着这个人(普京)的眼睛,我就能够感觉到他的灵魂,他是一个将自己的全部贡献给国家的人”,“普京让我敬仰,我喜欢他”。 布什这是在给普京灌“迷魂汤”,普京也礼尚往来,说过一些称赞布什的话,相互示好。此后,两国关系得到了一定的缓和,在“反恐”和阿富汗战争等方面,俄罗斯也给了美国一些必要的支持和方便。但美国不断挤压俄罗斯国际战略空间,多方指责俄罗斯“民主大倒退”,结果仅仅一年,小布什在德国再次见到的“普京眼神”,就不再是他喜欢和敬仰的了,两国关系进入了“有选择的对抗和有选择的合作”时期。

奥巴马“外交新政”强调要“重启”美俄关系。俄罗斯也有相应回报,在核武和利比亚等问题上都同美国有一定程度的合作。但他上台才半年,就在访问俄罗斯期间公开“赞梅批普”,声称他同梅德韦杰夫发展了“非常友好的关系”;指责普京“以旧的冷战思维处理美俄关系”,“一只脚仍走在老路上,另一只则走的是新路”, “有时因循守旧”,需要有人“开导”等等。今年美国副总统拜登访问俄罗斯期间,甚至流露劝说梅德韦杰夫明年应竞选总统的方针。

可见,美国的爱憎和期盼十分明显,似乎比俄罗斯老百姓更关心普梅“谁进谁退”的问题。

无怪乎尽管美国官方反应态度比较“淡定”,美国专家学者和媒体却“慷慨陈词”,做了大量“注解”。他们说,梅德韦杰夫作为“民主改革派”,显然更受美国青睐,他面对外界时更为平和,而不像普京那种对抗性的风格;普京“王者归来”,意味着俄今后多年将继续走“专制道路”,示意俄罗斯民众不要再“关注美妙的自由了”,普京可能成为下一个勃列日涅夫和斯大林,成为“新沙皇”。

显然,美国的指望是落空了。俄罗斯没有、也不可能按照美国的路子走。但这也是无可奈何的事。在时代变迁量变进程加速发展的年代,美俄有条件的合作仍然是必要的,符合双方利益。明年普京如果顺利当选,奥巴马政府还是要“重启”美俄关系的。但如果奥巴马自己年底败选,共和党人上台,可能还有新的变数。

不过,看看美国的国际关系史,共和党人也不一定把美俄关系更多地引向“对抗”。近些年来,美国在挑拨中俄关系方面没少下功夫,连俄日双方正常的联合军演也被说成是着眼于“共同牵制”中国。前不久,美国方面还释放一种意味深长的“信号”:在国际力量对比发生深刻变化的新时期,美国应该调整战略,学习当年尼克松和基辛格拉拢和联合中国反对苏联、并“踩着中国肩膀跑莫斯科”的政策和策略,反其道而行之,拉拢和适度联合俄罗斯,遏制和对付中国。对此,我们不能不高度警惕。美国下次大选,不论谁上台,都可能悄悄使出这一阴招。(原题——俄罗斯出现“王者归来”趋势:美国要“重启”不假,很“失落”是真)(王嵎生 作者是中国国际问题研究基金会战略研究中心执行主任)
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