US Employs the Law To Preserve Its Dominant Status

Published in Global Times
(China ) on 26 April 2023
by Hao Min (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Andrew Engler. Edited by Wes Vanderburgh.
April 26 was both the 23rd World Intellectual Property Day and the 50th anniversary of the start of China's cooperation with the World Intellectual Property Organization. By contrast, the U.S. is aiming to employ the law to preserve its own global technological dominance and economic yields. On Jan. 5, President Joe Biden signed the Protection of American Intellectual Property Act. To block Chinese innovation from growing and surpassing that of the U.S., the U.S. is applying every tool in its legal toolkit. What gives me pause is that the U.S. has been introducing a stream of new legislation that grants the executive branch extreme power to crush foreign businesses.

First, the U.S. legislative and judicial branches are increasingly subordinate to executive power. The International Emergency Economic Powers Act provided the crucial legal foundation for granting the executive branch the power to impose sanctions due to "unusual and extraordinary threat[s] to the national security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States." This grants the president a series of powers, including blocking foreign business transactions and freezing assets. During Donald Trump's presidency, he utilized the IEEPA to issue numerous executive orders, imposing sanctions on more than 3,700 entities. When it comes to safeguarding national interests, the legislative and judicial branches willingly yield, giving unrestricted authority to the executive branch, which removes obstacles to fully achieving the aims driving the sanctions.

The principles of "separation of powers" and "checks and balances" have been cast away like a pair of old shoes. Not only is there a lack of checks and balances; the legislative and judicial branches conspire to provide support and cover for the government's sanctions and methods that lack bases. The politicization of the law has led to the creation of legal mechanisms that are flexible and convenient for the president, with Congress passing legislation that expands the scope of presidential bans. This is coupled with adjustments to the rules and regulations of the departments in the executive branch, facilitating the enforcement of these bans, making them a useful tool for containing rival nations.

Second, the principal component of the PAIP Act is the authorization of presidential sanctions on foreign entities that have stolen U.S. trade secrets. This increases the executive branch's authority to enforce and oversee intellectual property matters. The act adopts a broad definition of "trade secrets," effectively allowing use of all available measures designed to protect trade information. Additionally, Congress chose not to clearly define a series of important terms such as "major threat," "national security," "economic stability" and even "substantial" in the act, leaving it up to the executive branch to determine, thus granting the executive branch broad sanctioning powers. China is on the Office of the United States Trade Representative's Priority Watch List alongside other nations of concern for violating intellectual property rights.

As a result, the U.S. has ushered in a new model for protecting intellectual property, which tremendously strengthens the executive branch's agencies' ability to extrajudicially impose severe punitive sanctions directly on individuals or legal entities accused of stealing trade secrets. The IEEPA powers that the PAIP Act transfers to the president further limit judicial review and oversight. The presidential sanctions, freed from the judicial process, will not only save judicial resources and costs but also be applied quickly and frequently, undoubtedly sowing hidden seeds of danger for the rule of law.

Sanctions are not mandatory upon the president's notifying Congress and will not necessarily be lifted even if a court rules that theft of trade secrets did not occur. The act also undoes the automatic termination of sanctions once the sanctioned entity has stopped or corrected the wrongful behavior. These changes have also greatly narrowed the channels for seeking judicial or administrative remedies to lift sanctions. Once an enterprise is entangled in sanctions, it will be difficult to break free.

Third, respecting intellectual property rights and the proper application of international rules is vital. China's technology industry unfortunately resorts to "crossing its fingers" when heading abroad; the U.S.' "national security review" seriously impedes the progress of scientific and technological exchanges and will affect the long-term development of global technology in a big way. The sustainable development of China's technology industry is contingent upon creating a conducive environment. Domestically, China must strive to follow intellectual property rights and establish a good system for managing trade secrets. Abroad, China is "crossing its fingers" while also working with scholars and think tanks that understand geopolitics to improve litigation strategies. Safeguarding our rights demands that we possess courage, competitiveness and a mastery of international regulations.

The author is the director of the Intellectual Property and Technology Security Research Center at the University of International Relations. This article is based on a speech at a seminar on "The Five-Year Trends of the Trade War the U.S. Launched on China and the Evolution of China-U.S. Relations."


郝敏:美国正以“法”之名维护霸权

今年的4月26日是第23个世界知识产权日,也是中国与世界知识产权组织(WIPO)合作50周年。而今年1月5日美国总统签署的《2022年保护美国知识产权法》(PAIPA),却在以“法”之名维护其全球科技霸权和经济红利。为了阻遏中国创新的赶超,美国几乎穷尽了其法律工具箱,且在不断推出新的立法,并以极大的行政赋权增加打压的便捷性和力度,这给笔者带来一些思考。

其一,美国立法和司法体系向行政权力不断倾斜。美国国会制定的《国际紧急状态经济权力法案》(IEEPA)是授予行政部门实施制裁权力的重要法律依据,通过宣布存在“源自美国境外”的“对美国的国家安全、外交政策或经济的不寻常和特别的威胁”,授予总统一系列行政权力,阻止外国企业交易或冻结资产。美国前总统特朗普在执政期间,依据IEEPA发布了大量行政命令,制裁了3700多个实体。在维护美国国家利益方面,各个权力部门相互配合,立法机构和司法系统积极让位,向行政部门无限倾斜、高度赋能,以图迅速且不受约束地达到制裁目的。

“三权分立、相互制衡”的原则被弃如敝履,相关立法和司法部门非但缺乏制衡,反而配合共谋为美国政府缺乏法理依据的打压制裁手法提供掩饰和背书。在“政治法律化、法律政治化”的趋势下,美国逐步建立起以国会立法为基础、以总统禁令为核心、以各行政部门规则条例为抓手的一套灵活便捷的法律机制,成为和平时期美国打压遏制竞争对手发展最称手的工具。

其二,PAIPA的核心即为行政制裁。PAIPA授权总统对窃取美国商业秘密的外国主体实施制裁,并声称主要针对中国等“受关注国家”,使得美国行政机构对知识产权领域执法和监管的权力进一步得到了空前的提升。该法案采用了美国刑法中对“商业秘密”的广义定义,几乎涵盖了所有被采取措施保密的商业信息。此外,国会选择不予清晰定义法案中“重大威胁”“国家安全”“经济稳定”,甚至“实质性”等一系列重要术语,而是将其留给行政部门界定,这使美国行政部门拥有了广泛的制裁权力。

由此,美国引入了一个新的知识产权保护模式,极大加强了美国行政制裁商业秘密盗窃行为的权力,使得美国行政机关可以不经法院审理,直接对所谓“盗窃商业秘密的实体或个人”予以严厉制裁。PAIPA根据IEEPA赋予总统的权力进一步限制了司法审查,导致行政部门拥有实施制裁的广泛权力和有限的司法监督途径。而行政制裁的手段不仅会节省司法资源和成本,更是“短、频、快”,将商业秘密盗窃的认定从司法系统中解脱出来,无疑为未来法治埋下了巨大的隐患。

PAIPA不要求对行使这一新的制裁权力进行任何司法调查。相反,它允许在总统确定发生了“窃取商业机密的行为”时实施制裁。一旦总统作出决定并通知国会,制裁便是强制性的,即使法院最终裁定商业秘密盗窃没有发生,或者不存在法律上可承认的商业秘密,也不会必然因此取消制裁。该法案还删除了“制裁终止”的条件,即被制裁主体即便证明了停止或改正过错行为,制裁也不会当然结束。以上变化极大地限缩了被制裁主体寻求司法或行政救济、解除制裁的渠道,一旦企业被绑定送上行政制裁的轨道,就再没有“匝道出口”。

其三,尊重知识产权和善用国际规则是立身的根本。中国科技产业出海“要看天”,美方所谓的国家安全审查严重阻碍科技交流的顺利进行,更将对全球科技产业的长远发展造成重大冲击。中国科技产业要长远发展,对内要做好合规建设,尊重知识产权,搭建好商业秘密管理体系;对外也要“看天气”,会同了解地缘政治的学者和智库通力合作,完善诉讼策略,在海外维权中善用国际规则,勇于斗争、善于斗争。(作者是国际关系学院知识产权与科技安全研究中心主任。本文基于在“美对华贸易战五年态势及中美关系演变”研讨会上的发言)

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