Trump’s Corruption

Published in El País
(Spain) on 24 May 2026
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Juliet Bristow. Edited by Phoebe Caval.
The attempt to use public money for his own personal causes is unsettling even in a Washington accustomed to scandal.

Enough time has passed since Donald Trump’s inauguration to begin to understand that the president lacks any proper political strategy for the United States, much less a coherent vision for his country’s role in the world. Trump’s political plan consisted primarily of avoiding prison, and once in power, to enrich himself and his family as much as possible by shamelessly exploiting the system’s gray areas as leader of the world’s superpower His is a systematic plan of corruption and subjugation of institutions to his will.

From accepting the gift of a luxury jet from Qatar to trading his own stock on the market while simultaneously making decisions in the White House, examples of corruption will fill the history books for years to come. The most recent example is stark and illustrative of his methodology as U.S. president. As part of his revenge strategy through lawsuits, at the start of the year, Trump sued his own Internal Revenue Service for leaking his tax returns in September 2020, two months before losing the election to Democrat Joe Biden. The lawsuit gave rise to an unusual settlement in which the president’s interests were represented on both sides of the table. It was as if he were both the plaintiff and the defendant. As a result, Trump settled with himself in an agreement whereby the IRS agreed to never investigate his tax returns, nor those of his family. The coda to this is the creation of a $1.776 billion fund to compensate anyone he considers to be victims of repression by the Biden administration. These include people convicted for the attempted Jan. 6, 2021 coup on Jan. 6, 2021, people who Trump already pardoned.

The fiscal self-protection and attempt to create a slush fund for his political allies with public money are so scandalous that they have even embarrassed some usually docile and servile Republicans in the Senate and provoked a rebellion among their ranks.

Trump now feels like he owns the federal government. It is the institutions charged with checks and balances, such as Congress and the Supreme Court, that have convinced him he can exploit any constitutional loophole to his advantage. The fact that something has never been done before is no deterrent for him, but an incentive. Absolute power has clearly revealed his true nature. Trump does not know the meaning of words like responsibility, restraint or prudence. Only the November election can limit the president and restore some balance to American democracy before the aberrant becomes the norm.


La corrupción de Trump
El intento de usar dinero público para sus causas particulares desconcierta incluso en un Washington acostumbrado al escándalo

Ha pasado suficiente tiempo desde la toma de posesión de Donald Trump como para empezar a entender que el presidente carece de un proyecto político decente para Estados Unidos, y mucho menos de una visión coherente sobre papel de su país en el mundo. El proyecto político de Trump consistió, primero, en evadir la cárcel, y una vez en el poder, en enriquecerse él y su familia tanto como le fuera posible a costa de explotar sin pudor las zonas grises del sistema, utilizando para ello la plataforma excepcional que le concede la jefatura del Estado en la superpotencia planetaria. El suyo es un proyecto de corrupción sistematizada y de sometimiento extractivo de las instituciones a su voluntad.

De la aceptación de un avión de lujo regalado por Qatar hasta la negociación con acciones bursátiles propias a la vez que toma decisiones desde la Casa Blanca, los ejemplos de corrupción llenarán en el futuro los libros de historia. El ejemplo más reciente es descarnado e ilustrativo de su método como presidente de EE UU. Como parte de su estrategia de venganza a través de demandas judiciales, Trump denunció a principios de este año a su propio departamento de Hacienda por la filtración de su declaración de la renta en septiembre de 2020, dos meses antes de las elecciones que perdió ante el demócrata Joe Biden. La demanda dio lugar a una insólita negociación en la que los intereses del presidente estaban representados a ambos lados de la mesa, como si él fuera a la vez el demandante y el demandado. Como resultado, Trump ha llegado a un acuerdo consigo mismo por el cual Hacienda se compromete a no investigar jamás sus declaraciones de impuestos ni las de su familia. El colofón es la creación de un fondo de 1.776 millones de dólares para resarcir a quienes él considere represaliados por el Gobierno de Biden. Entre ellos, los condenados por el intento de golpe del 6 de enero de 2021, quienes ya habían sido indultados por Trump.

El autoblindaje fiscal y el intento de crear un fondo de reptiles para sus aliados políticos con dinero público es tan escandaloso que incluso ha avergonzado a algunos republicanos del Senado, habitualmente dóciles y serviles, y ha provocado un conato de revuelta en sus filas.

Pero Trump se siente hoy el dueño del Gobierno federal. Han sido los contrapoderes como el Congreso o el Tribunal Supremo los que le han convencido de que puede explotar en su favor cualquier duda constitucional. Que algo no se haya hecho nunca no es para él ningún freno, sino un incentivo. El poder absoluto ha revelado a las claras su naturaleza. Trump desconoce el significado de palabras como responsabilidad, contención o prudencia. Solo las elecciones de noviembre pueden poner límites al presidente y restablecer algo de equilibrio en la democracia norteamericana antes de que lo aberrante se convierta en convencional.
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