Iran: No, India: Yes

Published in Gandul
(Romania) on 10 September 2008
by Eliza Francu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Sonia Mladin. Edited by .
Washington has found two very different solutions for the very similar nuclear aspirations of India and Iran. If the answer for Iran was "no" from the beginning, India is being helped every step of the way. It is only the U.S. Congress that now stands between India’s nuclear ambitions and American leader George Bush’s desire to see this chapter closed before he leaves the White House. Seeing as how even a Congress whose majority is democratic cannot risk losing a huge open market like India, the principle of "sole exception" will win once again.

Just as in the case of Kosovo, which became independent under pressure from the U.S., India is being supported, no matter the consequences, in order for it to secure modern nuclear technology. And if Kosovo’s reward to the U.S. was a statue of Bill Clinton in Pristina, India will be much more generous. It will open its vast market to American interests, allowing U.S. companies to sign deals that are worth billions of dollars. This is why, after India’s nuclear plans had been stalled for 34 years through an embargo, in his last moments of power, George W. Bush blackmailed the international community and U.S. Congress to accept the exchange.

The road is clear now for India after the 45 countries that export nuclear technology agreed - on the demand of the U.S - to sell their technology to a state that hadn’t even signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. They did, however, get in return from India a "promise" that it will not conduct military nuclear experiments (which is exactly the reason why the great powers imposed the embargo three decades ago). China agreed, Russia did too (it is most likely that India will buy nuclear fuel from Russia), and so did France (and now it finds a new set of buyers for the Areva Company’s products).

India says it doesn’t need nuclear technology to fuel its expanding economy, but still it refuses to sign the aforementioned treaty, which means that in the future it can escape any control from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and go back to conducting military nuclear experiments. More precisely, with blessings from the U.S. and the entire West, it can do everything that Iran has been denied. And even if it looks like a worthwhile effort for all of the parties involved, the long term consequences could be far worse than those set off by Kosovo.

Not only is India a democracy in the earliest stages of infancy, it also has problems on the border with Pakistan, and in the region of Kashmir; problems that have turned into military issues more than once. A possible nuclear arming of India would set off unprecedented tensions in the region: Pakistan will try to develop its own military capacities in order to protect Kashmir, whilst China will think the U.S., by helping arm India, is trying to hold back its ambitions.


SUA r?stoarn? înc? o dat? întregul e?afodaj al politicii interna?ionale. Pentru aspira?iile nucleare identice a dou? state (India ?i Iran), Washingtonul are dou? solu?ii cât se poate de diferite. Dac? pentru Iran a fost un „nu” clar din prima secund?, India este ajutat? pas cu pas. Doar Congresul SUA mai st? acum între ambi?iile nucleare ale Indiei ?i dorin?a liderului american George W.Bush de a vedea încheiat acest capitol înainte de a p?r?si Casa Alb?. ?i cum nici m?car un Congres în majoritate democrat nu ar risca s? piard? o pia?? enorm? de desfacere precum India, se pare c? politica american? a „unicei excep?ii” va avea din nou câ?tig de cauz?. La fel ca în cazul Kosovo, devenit independent tocmai datorit? presiunilor americane, India este sprijinit?, indiferent de consecin?e, s? ob?in? tehnologie nuclear? modern?. ?i dac? recompensa în cazul Kosovo a fost o statuie a lui Bill Clinton la Pri?tina, India va fi mult mai generoas?: î?i va deschide imensa pia?? intereselor americane, l?sând cale liber? companiilor americane s? ob?in? contracte de miliarde de dolari. A?a se explic? faptul c?, dup? ce aspira?iile nucleare ale Indiei au fost ?inute pe loc printr-un embargo timp de 34 de ani, pe ultima sut? de metri a mandatului, George W. Bush a ?antajat comunitatea interna?ional? ?i Congresul s? accepte trocul f?cut cu India.

Calea a fost deschis? pentru India dup? ce grupul celor 45 de ??ri exportatoare de tehnologie nuclear? a fost de acord, la cererea SUA, s? î?i vând? tehnologia c?tre un stat care nici m?car nu a semnat Tratatul de neproliferare a armelor de distrugere în mas?. Au ob?inut, în schimb, din partea Indiei, o „promisiune” c? nu va face experimente nucleare militare (adic? exact motivul pentru care marile puteri i-au impus acum trei decenii embargoul nuclear). China a fost de acord, Rusia la fel (cel mai probabil, India va cump?ra de la ru?i combustibilul nuclear), chiar ?i Fran?a, care mai g?se?te astfel o pia?? pentru a vinde tehnologia companiei Areva. India sus?ine c? are nevoie de tehnologia nuclear? pentru a-?i alimenta o economie în plin? expansiune. Refuz? totu?i în continuare s? semneze tratatul men?ionat, ceea ce înseamn? c? poate refuza pe viitor orice control al Agen?iei Interna?ionale pentru Energie Atomic? (AIEA) ?i poate face din nou experimente nucleare militare. Mai exact, poate face, cu binecuvântarea SUA ?i a întregului Occident, tot ceea ce i-a fost refuzat Iranului. Efortul pare c? merit? a?adar pentru toate taberele, îns? pe termen lung consecin?ele ar putea fi ?i mai grave decât cele declan?ate de Kosovo. India nu este cea mai evoluat? democra?ie din lume ?i are, în plus, probleme ce nu o dat? au degenerat militar la grani?a cu Pakistanul, în regiunea Ka?mir. Iar o eventual? înarmare nuclear? a Indiei ar declan?a tensiuni f?r? precedent în regiune: Pakistanul va încerca el însu?i s?-?i dezvolte capacit??ile nucleare militare pentru a proteja Ka?mirul, în timp ce China va considera c? SUA încearc? s? îi st?vileasc? ambi?iile, ajutând la înarmarea Indiei.
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