Arms Sales to Taiwan Steady the Asia-Pacific Area

Published in Global Times
(China) on 14 July 2010
by Ni Lexiong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Qu Xiao. Edited by Heidi Kaufmann.
Knowing America needs China’s help to solve various tough problems, Obama still insists on arms sales to Taiwan, which casts a thick cloud over Sino-U.S. relations. This has dealt a heavy blow to those who believe that “Sino-U.S. relations are on their best terms,” or “Sino-U.S. relations are getting better and better.” Why is this happening?

One of the reasons is that the international political center gradually shifted from Europe to Asia after the Cold War. A second reason is that America has always seen China as a potential rival. Therefore, after the Cold War, America gave Taiwan a new function in U.S. international strategy — that is, curbing China’s power and making sure America still has the upper hand in Asia. This upper hand was seen as one of the core national interests of the U.S., going incompatibly against China’s core interest, which is maintaining her sovereignty and territorial integrity. Now that China is rising quickly, America’s allies and the rest of the Asian countries are observing the Sino-U.S. relations from the sidelines, and their future course will be largely influenced by what kind of stand America will take in Asia — strong or soft, forging on or withdrawing. Therefore, the sale of arms to Taiwan directly affects America’s long-term strategy in Asia, shows the future direction of America’s Asian strategy and helps to maintain its controlling power in Asia. This explains why America never gave up its arms sales to Taiwan, no matter who became president, nor how good or bad people think Sino-U.S. relations are.

During the Cold War, China and America were united in the fight against the Soviet Union. But in this kind of combination, America and China were not at the same level in terms of national strength, and they had different objectives. Usually, if there were to be a divergence in such a combo, the weaker half would be the one to make a compromise. Establishing diplomatic relations with America without solving the Taiwan issue was not actually a bad idea considering the tough situation at that time, so there’s nothing to criticize. From America’s strong stand on the Taiwan arms sales, we can deduce what will make them give up: Only if they are facing more challenging enemies than the Soviet Union and hence need the help of China will they begin thinking about giving up the sale of arms seriously. But America cherishes its reputation and its obligation to its allies like Taiwan, and it wouldn’t turn its back on them if it had a choice.

After the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the end of the Cold War, America was the only superpower left in the world. They have held fast to the upper hand they’ve gained before during difficult times and, furthermore, pose threats to China in the areas of human rights, Tibetan issues and separatism in Xinjiang. At first, the description in the Taiwan Relations Act was “to consider any effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means, including by boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and security of the Western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United States.” But this kind of ambiguity was well cleared up during the Bush Administration. When answering the question of ABC reporter Charles Gibson in 2001, Bush’s attitude was that the “full force of the U.S. military would be used to protect Taiwan.”* During the Cold War, however, America did not dare to say any such thing.

To force America to give up the arms sales to Taiwan is not impossible, but the question is: What do we have to bargain with them? America needs China’s help on anti-terrorism and the financial crisis, and on the issues in North Korea, Iran and Afghanistan. Though China’s efforts on helping the Americans regarding these issues also benefit China, America has no gratitude and couldn’t care less. Even if China does everything against America, so what? The damage is nothing compared to what the Soviet Union was capable of doing.

Moreover, China and America both have nuclear weapons, and their thinking is more or less alike, which is considering using the nuke even before a normal war could begin. If both sides played out all their cards, things would turn ridiculous — it would be like two sides losing their 5-star plazas just for a grocery store. With this unpromising future on the Taiwan issue, the two nations can only keep everything as it stands at present, and put on an air about the unimportant things, like military exchange.

* Editor’s note: In the interview, Gibson asked Bush if the U.S. would defend Taiwan “with the full force of [the] American military.” Bush replied, “Whatever it took to help Taiwan defend theirself[sic].”


奥巴马政府上台后,在急需同中国携手解决各种难题的情况下,仍然坚持对台军售,给中美关系蒙上一层浓厚的阴影,相信给“中美关系处于最好时期”、“中美关系越来越好”的乐观派淋了一盆凉水。其中奥妙何在?

  造成这种局面的原因一是冷战后国际政治冲突的重心由原来的欧洲逐渐向亚洲转移,二是美国一直把中国当作潜在的对手。这样台湾问题从冷战体系转移到了后冷战体系中,对美国全球战略产生了新的意义,除了维持“信誉”、履行“义务”,还增加了遏制中国和保持亚洲优势的功能。目前和未来较长时间内,美国把确立亚太战略优势视为国家核心利益,因此同中国的核心利益———主权和领土完整构成难以调和的结构性冲突。随着中国的迅速崛起,亚太各国、包括美国的盟友都在中美之间观望,美国在亚洲的坚守和退却、强大与衰弱将直接影响他们对未来的选择。因此“和平解决方式”和对台军售同美国长远的亚洲战略挂上了钩,成了美国的战略风向标,成了美国亚太战略体系的“定海神针”。这就解释了冷战以后不管哪一任政府,也不管人们多么自作多情地称两国关系处于最好期还是最坏期,美国对台军售照做不误。

  冷战时期,美中联手对抗苏联是一种强弱和需求不对称的组合。通常情况下,强弱联盟内部出现分歧,都是弱方作出让步。在对台军售没有解决的情况下与美国建交,就当时严峻形势下对中国来说不失为明智的选择,今天没有必要去指责。从美国坚持对台军售的立场出发,在逻辑上也可逆向推导出放弃的条件:只有当面临比前苏联更大的威胁、并需要中国时,它才会考虑彻底放弃对台军售。美国很重视对盟友的“信誉”和“义务”,不到万不得已不会放弃。

  随着1991年苏联解体和冷战结束,美国成为世界唯一超级大国,不仅不放弃原来形势吃紧时都不愿放弃的东西,还趁势向“人权”、“疆独”、“藏独”等方面进逼过来。原来《与台湾关系法》的表述是 “认为以非和平方式包括抵制或禁运来决定台湾前途的任何努力,是对西太平洋地区的和平和安全的威胁,并为美国严重关切之事”,这种含糊其辞的“战略模糊”在小布什任期变成了“战略明晰”。2001年,他在回答美国广播公司记者吉布森时表示:要全面动用美国军队竭尽全力来帮助保护台湾。而在冷战时期,美国根本不会这样。

  让美国取消对台军售不是不可能,问题是拿什么东西去交换?美国在朝鲜、伊朗、阿富汗、国际反恐、金融危机上需要中国相助,且不论其中有救人如救己成份,美国并不买账,即使中国在所有问题上跟美国对着干,威胁的程度能比得上苏联?

  另外,中美都是有核国家,有核国家的战争思维特征是:常规战争尚未开打,思路一下就蹿到核对抗领域。假如双方打光所有的牌,事情会变得十分荒谬,双方都为争一个杂货铺而赔进各自的五星级酒店。这样的前景使得双方只能在台湾问题上维持现状,只能在军事交流等无关紧要的方面做些想要做的姿态而已。
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