President Barack Obama stated, finally and unambiguously, that “The borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps, so that secure and recognized borders are established for both states.” Until now, U.S. diplomats talked about “the aspirations” to such borders. The matter is of the utmost importance now that Fatah, which controls the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), and Hamas, which governs the Gaza Strip, have reached a certain level of understanding.
Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, rejected the proposal as “indefensible.” The leader is against the creation of a sovereign, viable Palestinian state. But given international pressure, he has opted to take advantage of the difficulties of his adversaries. Consequently, he claimed that he was unable to negotiate with the Palestinians due to the lack of a sole elected spokesperson. The reunification of both factions deprives him, for the moment, of this argument. However, he still has one solid excuse. How could he negotiate with Hamas given that the Islamist organization does not recognize the state of Israel? It is a prerequisite for any agreement that Hamas recognizes Israel just as the PNA did. In the past, Hamas has indicated that it would be willing to do so provided that Israel precisely defined its borders. Hamas’ negotiators point out that it is difficult to recognize a country that has not fixed its permanent boundaries. With respect to this position, Netanyahu has responded that they will resolve the border dispute as one more point on a laundry list of problems which, among others, includes water rights, the return of Palestinian refugees, and the status of Jerusalem.
As has been the tendency in this conflict, if the political will to come to an agreement does not exist, there is no lack of obstacles that can become insurmountable. In that respect, Obama was explicit in refuting Netanyahu’s contention that he favored waiting and seeing where the wave of uprisings shaking the Middle East ends up. Without naming the Israeli leader, Obama noted, “Indeed, there are those who argue that with all the change and uncertainty in the region, it is simply not possible to move forward. I disagree. At a time when the people of the Middle East and North Africa are casting off the burdens of the past, the drive for a lasting peace that ends the conflict and resolves all claims is more urgent than ever.” It has remained clear throughout the time of the Obama administration that Netanyahu has been able to resist Washington’s pressure regarding a ban on construction of new settlements. Much will depend on whether the Arab nations achieve installation of legitimate governments allowing them greater unity of purpose and international precedence.
El Presidente Barack Obama, finalmente, lo dijo sin ambigüedades: “Las fronteras entre Israel y Palestina deben basarse en las fronteras de 1967 con demarcaciones mutuamente acordadas, para que se establezcan fronteras reconocidas y seguras para ambos Estados”. Hasta ahora la diplomacia estadounidense hablaba de “las aspiraciones” a semejantes fronteras. El asunto es de la máxima importancia ahora que Al Fatah, que controla la Autoridad Nacional Palestina (ANP) y Hamas, que gobierna en la Franja de Gaza, han logrado cierto nivel de entendimiento.
Benjamin Netanyahu, el Primer Ministro israelí, desechó la propuesta como “indefendible”. El Mandatario es contrario a la creación de un Estado Palestino soberano y viable. Pero dadas las presiones internacionales ha optado por aprovechar las dificultades de sus adversarios. En consecuencia ha postulado que no podía negociar con los palestinos ya que carecía de un interlocutor único y mandatado. La reunificación de ambas facciones le priva, por el momento, de este argumento. Pero todavía tiene una excusa sólida. ¿Cómo podría negociar con Hamas en circunstancias que la organización islamista no reconoce al Estado de Israel? Es un prerrequisito para todo acuerdo que, como lo hizo la ANP, que Hamas reconozca a Israel. Hamas ha indicado, en el pasado, que estaría dispuesta a hacerlo siempre que Israel defina sus fronteras con precisión. Los negociadores de Hamas señalan que mal puede reconocerse a un país que no ha fijado sus límites permanentes. Ante esta postura Netanyahu ha respondido que resolverán el tema fronterizo como un punto más de una larga lista de problemas que incluye derechos de agua, retorno de refugiados palestinos y el estatus de Jerusalén entre otros.
Como ha sido la tónica en el conflicto, si no existe voluntad política para llegar a un acuerdo no faltan los obstáculos que pueden tornarse en infranqueables. Al respecto Obama fue explícito en rebatir las tesis de Netanyahu que es partidario de esperar y ver dónde conduce la ola de agitación que sacude al Medio Oriente. Sin nombrar al mandatario israelí Obama señaló: “De hecho, hay quienes dicen que con todos los cambios e incertidumbre en la región, simplemente no es posible lograr avances…No estoy de acuerdo. En esta coyuntura en que los pueblos del Oriente Medio y África del Norte están desechando las cargas del pasado, es necesario esforzarse por una paz duradera que termine el conflicto”. En lo que ha transcurrido del gobierno de Obama ha quedado claro que Netanyahu ha podido resistir la presión de Washington en el veto a la construcción de nuevos asentamientos. Mucho dependerá si los pueblos árabes consiguen implantar gobiernos legítimos que les permitan mayor unidad de propósitos y gravitación internacional.
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What President Obama needs to do is go back to the Clinton Administration’s Camp David Accord, and see why it failed. He is in a unique position, because he has Hillary Clinton as his Secretary of State. She can use her experience as First Lady, when the Clinton Administration was using a great deal of effort to formulate a two-state solution. This needs the same intense tutelage, which the Clinton Administration provided. It cannot be settled with one meeting in Washington, D.C. Like President Clinton, President Obama needs to be making trips to Jerusalem, have on-going contact with Benyamin Netanyahu and Mohmoud Abbas, watch the upcoming Palestinian elections, and have Hillary Clinton do the follow-up on the progress. Then he can have a meeting in Washington, D.C. or Camp David to formulate a final treaty. If started with Yitzhak Rabin and Yasir Arafat shaking hands on the White House lawn. But now there needs to be intense follow-up. Maybe this can justify why President Obama won a Nobel Peace Prize.
What President Obama needs to do is go back to the Clinton Administration’s Camp David Accord, and see why it failed. He is in a unique position, because he has Hillary Clinton as his Secretary of State. She can use her experience as First Lady, when the Clinton Administration was using a great deal of effort to formulate a two-state solution. This needs the same intense tutelage, which the Clinton Administration provided. It cannot be settled with one meeting in Washington, D.C. Like President Clinton, President Obama needs to be making trips to Jerusalem, have on-going contact with Benyamin Netanyahu and Mohmoud Abbas, watch the upcoming Palestinian elections, and have Hillary Clinton do the follow-up on the progress. Then he can have a meeting in Washington, D.C. or Camp David to formulate a final treaty. If started with Yitzhak Rabin and Yasir Arafat shaking hands on the White House lawn. But now there needs to be intense follow-up. Maybe this can justify why President Obama won a Nobel Peace Prize.