The U.S.’ Ambivalence Toward Arms Sales to Taiwan

Published in China Times
(Taiwan) on 23 September 2011
by Qiu Shiyi (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Yipeng Xie. Edited by Hoishan Chan.
Recently, the U.S. State Department decided not to sell Taiwan F-16C/D jets which can enhance Taiwan’s air defense system, but to assist Taiwan in improving the performance of the F-16A/B jets. Such a decision triggered fierce rejections against the State Department from a handful of senators, who thought that President Barack Obama had acquiesced to China. In actuality, President Obama’s “reserve attitude” on Taiwan’s defense is similar to ex-President Bill Clinton’s. The economy during the Clinton administration, however, was positive, but Obama is facing the most serious economic crisis since the 1930s. The reason why Obama is afraid of China is that China is currently the biggest holder of U.S. debt.

U.S. Vice President Joe Biden visited China in August and his primary task was to explain that the Taiwan arms sale would not be overdone. Nevertheless, the sale of the F-16C/D jets is the bottom boundary, which, if exceeded, will cause China’s anger. For many years, the Chinese communist government has urged the U.S. to obey the 1982 China-U.S. Joint Statement, and the U.S. has gradually decreased its arms sales to Taiwan. However, the U.S. also bases its motivations on the Taiwan Relations Act, which is a domestic piece of legislation to recognize the legal status of assistance to the Taiwanese defense system.

The problem is, does Taiwan’s diplomacy understand the ambivalence between general Americans, the State Department and Congress, and between the Democratic Party and the Republican Party?

Generally speaking, the Republican Party, with a capitalist, property-friendly and anti-communist standpoint, is friendly to Taiwan; the Democratic Party, because of its sympathy to communism, has historically had no aversions towards China’s communist government and seems to often be willing to sacrifice Taiwan’s interests. However, it is not that absolute. For example, Republican Presidents Nixon, Reagan and Bush have all more or less “betrayed” Taiwan at least once, while Democratic President Carter was at least willing to sign the Taiwan Relations Act. Besides, according to many public polls, Americans show a preference for Taiwan rather than mainland China. The reason is obvious: we are a democratic country and Taiwanese society, in many aspects, resembles American society.

However, Americans’ attitude towards Taiwan is also complicated. When I taught in a U.S. high school, I once asked 70 U.S. students in class and found that two thirds of them preferred Taiwan rather than mainland China. But when asked how many would support a U.S. gesture in aid of Taiwan if Taiwan were to be attacked by mainland China, the number of students in favor dropped to less than 30 percent.

Congress has shown more friendliness to Taiwan than the State Department. Many of those who canvass for Taiwan’s interests, because of the ease in acceptance, have spent many years focusing on the Senate and the House of Representatives. Especially in the House of Representatives, these lobbyists can easily develop friendships, but for many years, the congressmen who supported Taiwan have been controversial. For instance, former Colorado Republican Congressman Tom Tancredo, who expressed strong anti-communist tendencies, was the number one supporter of Taiwan, but because of racist beliefs, he advocated the revival of many discriminatory rules against black Americans, such as literacy tests.

No matter what, Taiwan has to urge the U.S. to be more proactive in Taiwan arms sales, and not just depend on support from the Republican Party. Meanwhile, the U.S. should also expand the powers of Congress in order to better control the State Department. On Sept. 20, Texas Senator John Cornyn drafted a Taiwan air defense statute and hoped to legalize the sales of 66 F-16C/D jets to Taiwan. We need to tell the U.S.: Selling Taiwan F-16C/D jets will bring $8.7 billion in tangible profits, create 23,000 job opportunities, help the White House and the economy of 44 states. Seeking Taiwan to aid American economic recovery is faster than asking mainland China for help.

The author is an assistant professor of political science in Tung-Hai University.


美國國務院近日決定不出售給台灣足以提高空防實力的F-16C/D戰機,而只是協助台灣提升F-16A/B戰機性能。國務院此舉受到國會少數參眾議員的嚴重抗議,認為歐巴馬總統向中國低頭。事實上,歐巴馬與同為民主黨的前總統柯林頓,對於防禦台灣的「保留態度」並無太大差異。只是柯當時景氣好,歐巴馬則面臨一九三○年代以來最嚴重的經濟衰退,歐在對台軍售議題上,惹不起中國的原因是「中國是美國最大債權國」。

 美副總統拜登八月中才剛訪中國,重頭戲就是先解釋這一波的對台軍售案「不會過頭」。而F-16C/D戰機一直是中方對於美方對台軍售不滿且絕不可踩的紅線。多年來中共緊咬著一九八二年美中《八一七公報》中,美國逐步減少對台武器出售的承諾;而美方依恃的,則是當年因與台灣斷交的卡特總統所給的停損點||《台灣關係法》。由於《台灣關係法》是國內法,因此協防台灣具法律效力。

 問題是,台灣的外交國防決策體系對於「普羅美國民眾」、「國務院與國會」、「民主黨與共和黨」之間的齟齬與矛盾是否瞭解?

 一般論述是,共和黨因反共立場與資本家的本質,對於台灣比較友善;民主黨因同情社會主義,歷史發展下對於中共比較不反感,也似乎常犧牲台灣利益。但也不是那麼絕對。例如共和黨總統尼克森、雷根與布希,或多或少都曾「出賣」過台灣;民主黨總統卡特,至少還願意簽署國會通過的《台灣關係法》。此外,很多民調顯示,相對於中國,普羅美國大眾比較親近台灣,不外乎因為我們是一個民主國家,台灣社會在很多面向上也循美式發展。

 但美國人對台情結也很複雜。筆者在美國中部授課時,曾問過班上七十個美國學生,發現三分之二喜歡台灣社會多於大陸社會;但被問起若台灣被大陸襲擊,有多少人贊成美國出兵協防?這個時候願意大動干戈的同學已經掉到三成不到。

 美國國會比國務院對台灣還要友善,許多在美遊說台灣利益的團體,由於叩門較易,長年把重心放在參眾議院,眾院尤其容易交朋友,只是多年來很多支持台灣的眾議員都極具爭議性。譬如前科羅拉多州的共和黨眾議員坦克雷多,由於具反共意識是支持台灣的頭號大將,但也由於仇黑情節竟主張恢復許多歧視黑人的制度,如識字測驗。

 不管如何,台灣督促美國對台軍售的手腕要更精緻,不能只押共和黨,也要繼續擴大國會勢力範圍,挾國會以令國務院。九月十二日德州參議員考寧才起始《台灣空防現代法》草案,希望能將售台六十六架F-16C/D法制化。我們要告訴美國,售台F-16C/D給美國八十七億美元實質商機,提供兩萬三千個實質工作機會,也幫助到華府與四十四州經濟,復甦找台灣比求大陸更快。

 (作者為東海大學政治系助理教授)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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