The Slaves of the 21st Century

The slaves of the 21st century, illegal — undocumented or irregular as they want to be or are accustomed to being called — migrants, have begun to awaken, to leave their hiding places, allow themselves to be seen and to protest. This is a sector of contemporary society already characterized by Marx long ago as an industrial reserve army, but which he never recognized as having revolutionary potential since they did not form part of the working class predestined for the vanguard of the social struggle.

Strictly speaking, they are not just a reserve army of industrial labor, as they are willing and hopeful for the opportunity to work in any sector of the secondary job market: agriculture, services, manufacturing, manual labor and, possibly, private and domestic services — everything that the natives do not want to do and someone from the outside is always willing to do.

When they arrive at their destination, migrants accept any type of work and labor condition, including work that they would not be willing to do in their place of origin. The explanation for this apparent paradox was revealed by Michael Piore in his famous book “Birds of Passage.” Piore affirms that wages have two components: one economic, the other social.

The social component has to do with status and prestige. Wages ought to be adequate to the hierarchical rank occupied and the prestige proportioned accordingly. Earning 50,000 pesos* not only grants opportunities to spend and consume, but also suggests the position and the rank one holds, which confers prestige in the social and working environment.

But in the migrant’s position, wages lose their social component. A migrant can dedicate himself to cleaning bathrooms in Germany but earn 10 euros* per hour. The element of status and prestige does not come into play because the migrant’s world of relationships, where prestige is important, is in another place. His fellow migrants are more or less in the same condition. But in his place of origin, what is valued and what gives him prestige is that he earns a lot of money and is building a home.

Status and prestige confer visibility and power, precisely what the illegal immigrant does not have and is not interested in obtaining. Migrants’ jobs have limited visibility and limited relevance: Agricultural workers live and work outdoors; those in the janitorial sector work at night; those in manufacturing are in the industrial centers; and the cooks and dishwashers are in the kitchen, as are domestic employees.

Their illegal status encourages their tendency to hide and to be less visible. Exposure makes them vulnerable. Thus, the more hidden they are, the better. In reality, migrants live in a totally closed world where they only talk with one another, go to the same parks and meet in the same places.

But everything has a limit. The lack of visibility protects them, but at the same time leaves them exposed to over-exploitation. This was the case recently with a domestic employee in Geneva who worked for a Saudi official. She worked all day and only received 200 euros* per month. She finally fled, sued the employer and exposed a very sinister scheme in the growing global labor market for domestic employees.

But things have changed. The same migration pattern is no longer in force. It’s no longer about single men or women, but families, wider groups with associations, clubs and community activities. Mixed families, in which a father with documents lives with his wife, who is illegal, and their children, some Mexican and some American, cannot live apart and hide. They have to go to school, vaccinate the children, go out to the park, go to children’s parties, etc.

The solitary migrant is just like them. It is possible for him to live in seclusion for a couple of years, but later he has to leave his enclosure and expose himself, get a driver’s license or search for new opportunities. At the present time, urban day laborers or men on street corners, who occupy the lowest rung on the career ladder, are exposed to everyone’s sight. They solicit work on certain streets or corners. They have been accused of obstructing traffic and presenting a bad image; but they continue, searching for a few hours of work, day in and day out because having a contract for 40 hours, in these times, seems to be a luxury.

In reality, there has been a radical change in the migration pattern. Before, we referred to undocumented migrant workers. These days, we must talk about undocumented resident workers. They are not migrants, those who come and go and whom we previously called circular. Now they are established immigrants.

Paradoxically, this was a direct consequence of the immigration policy of border control. It resulted in making border crossing so expensive and risky that people began to stay, and their stay became indefinite. There are undocumented immigrants who have lived for 25 years in the United States since amnesty was enacted in 1986. A deportation in these circumstances is neither just nor desirable. It is a family and humanitarian disaster.

But nothing has been achieved; the windows of opportunity that were supposed to open in Congress have not, nor has the issue been put on the floor for debate. On the contrary, immigration reform advances day by day on the border, with more walls and more military control, and in the interior with greater persecution and coercive legislation.

No longer are there fights against laws like Sen. Sensenbrenner’s HR 4437, which incited the response of millions of citizens in 2006. Now the struggle has fractured, and a low-intensity war has been declared against immigrants. In Alabama, only a weak, grumbling murmur is heard in response.**


*Editor’s note: Approximate U.S. dollar equivalents as of Nov. 2011 are, respectively, $3,700; $14; $270.

**Editor’s note: Alabama passed the controversial immigration House Bill 56 in June, which was upheld by a U.S. district court judge in September.