Obama's Secret Wars

The recent elimination of Anwar al-Awlaki, the al-Qaida recruiter based in the Arabian Peninsula, and the incursions in Somalia against al-Shaabab have got the media talking once again about unmanned aircraft (also known as UAV, which stands for unmanned aerial vehicle, or drones). The first case concerned a planned attack in Yemen with a CIA drone targeting al-Awlaki, regarded as one of the most dangerous heirs of Osama bin Laden, and represents the new generation of extremist Islam, the Muslims reborn, who are sons of Muslim immigrants to the West.

A Hellfire missile broke his jihadist stride. Also in the case of the incursions against al-Shaabab (the Islamic militia who control the better part of central Somalia and the coastal city of Chisimaio), carried out in support of the Kenyan troops who crossed the Somali border to hunt them down, American drones were used while the French offered only logistical support.

Washington and Paris deny any direct involvement in the presence of ground troops, but for the Americans, caution is mandatory because the U.S. Air Force and CIA drones are present on all active fronts, starting with Iraq and Afghanistan, now in Africa and wherever else their use is deemed necessary.

It is worth noting, though, that UAVs were originally conceived as surveillance and reconnaissance vehicles (like the RQ-1 Predator) but with the situation on the ground evolving rapidly (like in Operations Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom), ground control with the ability to launch rapid offensives became imperative. So the UAV went from a purely surveillance vehicle to a vehicle with multimission capability, armed with two Hellfire missiles (MQ-1B, newly named Predator). Directed by the U.S. Air Force, these aircraft immediately caught the attention of the CIA who had been using them since Operation Iraqi Freedom to investigate operations on the elimination of al-Qaida kingpins. The U.S. Air Force request for a high performance multi-capability vehicle gave life to the MQ-9B Reaper, the hunter-killer to support and map intelligence operations. Armed with a combination of Hellfire missiles and laser-guided bombs, these UAVs are the ultimate addition to the Pentagon’s asymmetric war strategy.

The recent American UAV support for the government in Nairobi seemed like a response to a specific request from the Obama administration to refrain from committing ground troops overseas while still maintaining a presence in the region. The object of the operation is the construction of a series of mini-bases scattered around the Horn of Africa and the Arabian Peninsula that will serve as launchpads for the UAVs.

Apart from the drones directed by the CIA, which operates either alone or in conjunction with other U.S. forces, all the non-piloted aircraft are all under the auspices of the 17th Air Forces, the aerial component of the U.S. Air Forces Africa.

However this isn’t the first time that UAVs have been used to bolster support to troops on the ground. There had already been a directive by the Americans through a joint action UAV and AC-130 bombers of the aerial special-forces commando in support of the Ethiopian troops who attacked militias in Mogadishu in 2006.

After the establishment of the Camp Lemonnier base in Djibouti (the only permanent U.S. base in Africa) that serves as a surveillance point from which to keep an eye on Yemen, which can be found a few hundred kilometers west, in 2009 the Pentagon activated a base in the Seychelles while enlarging the base in Arba Minch in Ethiopia. The Arba Minch base is strategically important for its proximity to both Addis Ababa (300 miles north) and the Somali border (600 miles south). Both regions are well within the impressive range of the Reaper, capable of firing missiles up to 1,150 miles.

The UAVs in support of Kenyan troops can be launched from this base at any time within the coming weeks. But creating a precise idea of exactly where all these bases are located is not an easy task. If these aircraft are controlled and piloted from bases located within the U.S. it’s not certain where the Predator and Reapers will be stationed, especially if they are operating in the Middle East.

Here we are talking about bases in Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Iraq, although those on Iraqi territory may be relocated to the southern bank of Turkey in Incirlik.

Even if Washington continues to deny involvement with the Kenyan invasion of Somalia, and Paris only admits to having provided logistical assistance despite being rather active in the area, its clear that Nairobi wants to create a sort of buffer zone around the Somali border with the help of the U.S. and France. But it seems like an ideal situation for the Kenyans: U.S. drones perform a thorough surveillance of the region in an elusive and secretive manner.