In Response to the US Election, There Should Be 2 Scripts for New Southbound Policy

Published in The United Daily News
(Taiwan) on 3 August 2024
by Kristy Tsun-Tzu Hsu (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Matthew McKay. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
Now that the United States presidential election is almost certain to see Kamala Harris going head-to-head with Donald Trump, the impact of the election results on U.S. foreign policy and the global political and economic situation are attracting global attention. The political, economic and trade policies of Asian countries in particular will be directly affected by whomever takes control of the White House, and Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy is unlikely to come away unscathed. We therefore need to address the practices of other countries and prepare two different scripts for a response.

Harris is the Democratic Party’s candidate against Trump, and people expect that her economic and foreign policies will broadly continue those of President Joe Biden. Harris has visited ASEAN countries including Singapore, Vietnam, Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia as vice president, and has represented Biden at ASEAN and APEC summits, so she is familiar with Southeast Asian affairs and is not likely to make any drastic policy changes.

In contrast, India has relatively mixed feelings about Harris. Upon taking office, Trump improved U.S.-India relations and restarted the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, which saw India leapfrog its way onto U.S. strategic concerns, and a mutual appreciation blossomed between the two powerful leaders, Trump and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Although Biden continues to attach importance to India, the White House has repeatedly criticized India’s close ties with Russia, provoking a backlash from the subcontinent. While Harris’ maternal Indian heritage has made her the pride of Chennai, she has also been a relentless critic of India’s human rights record, leading to India’s misgivings about her candidacy.

During his time in office, and in terms of economic and trade policies, Trump imposed sanctions on ASEAN countries (frequently using anti-dumping measures; imposing sanctions on ASEAN imports of steel, aluminum, automobile, solar panel and home appliances, and requiring ASEAN to increase its purchases to balance the surplus with the U.S.), all of which were a major headache for the region. Trump has so far repeatedly stated that if he takes office again in 2025, he will impose tariffs on imports, tighten immigration policies and put an end to “offshoring.” All these measures would affect the ASEAN countries’ economies and trade, as they have greatly benefited from the global supply chain shift and the Biden administration’s promotion of “friend-shoring” in recent years. Moreover, the soaring U.S. trade surpluses of countries like Vietnam, Thailand and Malaysia may be a source of further friction.

Apart from economic and trade policies, the incoming U.S. president’s foreign relations policy will also affect politics and foreign policy among ASEAN countries. When Trump was in office, he regarded countries as either friends or enemies depending on their position regarding China. This was a source of dissatisfaction among ASEAN countries, and in response, the Biden administration repeatedly stressed that it would not ask ASEAN countries to choose sides. However, the Biden administration’s handling of the Israel-Hamas war and its support for Israel have caused resentment and boycotts of U.S. businesses in ASEAN Islamic countries such as Malaysia and Indonesia.

The U.S. presidential election has far-reaching effects on many countries, which is why the election attracts global attention. Recently, there has been a rumor that many countries are working on two scripts to deal with whomever takes office next year. For us in Taiwan, a Democratic victory would mean that most of the Biden administration’s policies on Taiwan are likely to continue under Harris, but the future of U.S.-China relations will be a matter of concern. With his “America First” and fair-trade mindset, should Trump return to office, in addition to the direct impact his return will have on Taiwan’s U.S. military purchases, trade and investments, will he continue to push for U.S.-China economic decoupling? Could Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy be affected if Trump imposes trade protections or even sanctions on ASEAN countries and opposes offshoring and friend-shoring? As many countries have started developing two sets of response scenarios, the relevant ministries in Taiwan should also be ready.

The author is director of the Chung-Hua Institution for Economic Research’s ASEAN Studies Center, Taiwan.


因應美選 新南向該有兩套劇本

2024-08-03 04:02 聯合報/ 徐遵慈

美國總統大選幾乎篤定將由賀錦麗對決川普後,選舉結果對美國對外政策與全球政經情勢的影響受到全球關注,亞洲國家尤其將受到誰將入主白宮的直接影響,因而牽動其政治與經貿政策,我國新南向政策亦難避免遭受波及,因此亦需參考其他國家做法,準備兩套劇本以資因應。

美國總統大選將由賀錦麗代表民主黨與川普競選總統大位,一般認為賀錦麗的經濟與外交政策將大致延續拜登總統的政策方向。由於她就任副總統以來,已先後出訪過新加坡、越南、泰國、菲律賓、印尼等東協國家,亦代表拜登總統出席過東協峰會、APEC會議等,她對東南亞事務的熟悉程度應不致出現大幅的政策轉變。

相較來說,印度對於賀錦麗的心情則較為複雜。川普就任後提升美印關係,重啟四方安全對話(QUAD),自此印度躍身進入美國戰略,川普與莫迪總理兩位強人領袖更惺惺相惜。雖然拜登延續對印度重視,但白宮數次批評印度與俄羅斯親密關係,引起印度反彈。賀錦麗因擁有來自母親的印度裔血統,讓印度清奈家鄉的鄉民備感驕傲,但賀錦麗亦曾數次不留情面批評印度人權表現,也令印度對她當選總統持保留態度。

在經貿政策方面,川普在前次執政時對東協國家實施種種制裁,包括頻繁使用反傾銷措施;對東協進口鋼鋁、汽車、太陽能板、家電等實施制裁;要求增加對美國採購,以平衡對美順差等,都讓東協國家備感頭痛。目前,川普已多次提及如他在二○二五年再次執政後,將對進口產品加徵關稅、限制移民政策、阻止「離岸外包」(Offshoring)等,均將衝擊東協國家經濟與貿易,其中,東協國家近年因全球供應鏈移轉及拜登政府推動「友岸外包」(Friend-shoring)而大幅受益,越南、泰國、馬來西亞等對美貿易順差飆高,恐引爆更多摩擦。

除經、貿政策外,未來美國新任總統如何處理對外關係亦牽動東協國家政治與外交政策。川普執政時視各國對中國立場「非友即敵」,曾經引起東協國家不滿,以致拜登政府多次向東協國家喊話,表示不會要求東協國家選邊站,然拜登政府處理以哈戰爭及支持以色列的立場,則在東協伊斯蘭國家馬來西亞、印尼等社會引起反感及抵制美商行動。

美國大選結果對許多國家影響深遠,因此引起全球關注,近來傳出不少國家正研擬兩套劇本,以迎合明年白宮主人。對我國而言,民主黨勝選意謂拜登政府對我國政策大多可望在賀錦麗執政下獲得延續,然未來美中關係的發展值得關注。如果川普重新執政,在其美國優先、公平貿易的思維下,除我國對美軍購、貿易、投資等恐將直接受到影響外,川普是否持續推動美中經濟脫鉤(de-coupling)?我國推行新南向政策是否因川普對東協國家實施貿易保護或甚至制裁措施、反對「離岸外包」與「友岸外包」等,可能衝擊實施成效?參考許多國家開始研擬兩套因應劇本,我國相關部會亦應嚴陣以待。

(作者為中華經濟研究院台灣東協研究中心主任)
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