Will the U.S. and China Rule Asia Jointly?

Published in China Times
(Taiwan) on 7 June 2011
by Chen Lungkuo (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Michelle Deeter. Edited by Mark DeLucas.
This year marks the 10th meeting of the Shangri-La Dialogue, which is held annually by a British think tank, the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS). It is not overtly linked to the government, but it receives the full support of the Singapore Ministry of Defense. The number of participating defense ministers and directors of intelligence departments increases every year, making it an important annual forum for security in the Asia-Pacific region.

The purpose of the conference is to discuss sensitive security issues either directly or indirectly in order to change hostility into friendship. It includes plenary sessions on special topics as well as off-the-record breakout group discussions; furthermore, IISS provides several meeting rooms so that defense ministers of two countries can have private meetings.

Unfortunately, for the past decade, China has consistently refused to send its defense minister to the forum. At first, China believed the forum was designed to be an Asian version of NATO, which would discuss how to contain China. Even though China participated in the forum, it did not allow senior officials to attend. At first, only academics attended, and later, the Foreign Affairs Bureau of the Ministry of National Defense sent delegates.

This gave Taiwanese officials an opportunity to participate. This is only natural; because of the Taiwan Strait Crisis, Taiwan should be invited to attend the forum. In the beginning, both the deputy secretary-general of Taiwan’s National Security Council and the director general of the National Security Bureau participated and held bilateral talks with defense ministers of other countries.

However, in later years, China’s influence increased and Beijing posited that security was an issue of sovereignty; therefore, it was unwilling to let Taiwan send any official delegates to the forum. In order to increase the level and authority of delegates sent by China, IISS gradually pressured Taiwan to send less senior officials. During the last two summits, China sent senior delegate Lt. Gen. Ma Xiaotian, the deputy chief of staff of the Peoples Liberation Army, while Taiwan only sent scholars Ting Shufan and Liu Fukuo.

This year, China’s Minister of National Defense, Liang Guanglie, attended the forum. Thus, the forum is now more developed, and the forum can be used as a platform to discuss all kinds of regional security questions. Although there are a few forums similar to the Shangri-La Dialogue, such as the regional forum held by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) or forums where defense ministers of ASEAN and other [world] actors can meet, their scope is much smaller and they have not garnered as much attention.

However, China’s decision to participate fully represents the increase in China’s self-confidence. In the future, China will have the ability to set the agenda on security issues, as was seen during the handling of the South China Sea conflict.

Last year in July, when Vietnam hosted an ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in Hanoi, Vietnam first criticized China for its actions in the South China Sea. Afterward, 10 countries consecutively echoed Vietnam’s position, and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton emphasized that the United States had interests in the South China Sea. She even said that the United States was willing to intervene to help China and other Southeast Asian countries resolve their sovereignty disputes.

In 2002, China and the rest of the ASEAN countries signed the “Declaration of the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea,” yet recently China has deployed more military strength in the area. For example, later this year, China will launch a newly renovated aircraft carrier. According to reports, it will be deployed in the South China navy fleet, which will simultaneously strengthen southern China’s naval strength and make other ASEAN countries nervous.

The Shangri-La Dialogue is a meeting attended by all the national defense ministers in the region; thus, it is the best opportunity for ASEAN countries to make appeals. This year, before the forum began, Vietnam and the Philippines expressed that they had conflicts with China over maritime borders and sovereignty. First, Vietnam complained that on May 26, three Chinese patrol vessels collided with an oil rig that was on assignment in Vietnam’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ). Moreover, they cut the oil rig’s wire-line cable. The Philippines then reported that China had already invaded Philippine’s territorial waters seven times and that Chinese ships were landing on contested island reefs and unloading construction materials. Furthermore, they even placed a sentry on the island, leading the Philippines to decide to file a formal complaint at the United Nations.

Vietnam and the Philippines are known for posturing and being petulant before summits of the Shangri-La Dialogue, but this time even the United States had many reservations. On May 31, the Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Kurt Campbell, said in his keynote speech that the U.S. will privately speak with every party, not encouraging any party to use force, but instead encouraging each party to resolve problems through negotiation. U.S. Pacific Commander Adm. Robert Willard, while talking about the South China Sea conflict, was even more direct: “The United States doesn’t take sides in a dispute.”

Campbell uttered words that sounded piercing to the ears of the ASEAN nations. According to Campbell, America has made a clear promise to China that it is willing to cooperate with China in the Asia-Pacific. Does this mean that since the Obama administration promised to reduce the national defense budget by up to $4 trillion over the next 12 years, America is already prepared to reduce its deployment in the Asia-Pacific? Has the United States abandoned its opposition to China and become a joint ruler with China in Asia?

This year, China has become more flexible with regards to the South China Sea issue. It is using negotiation tactics that can be divided into two major categories. First, with regard to the overlapping exclusive economic zones, this issue affects sovereignty and therefore should be negotiated by the parties involved in the South China Sea. Second, China says that the maritime regions are international waterways. Since it touches upon the right of passage for international ships and aircraft, China welcomed the United States’ and Japanese participation in negotiations.

Of course, America does not want to leave the impression with the ASEAN nations that Washington has already abandoned them; thus, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates reassured them that America will continue to sustain its security role with its Asian-Pacific alliances. Furthermore, the United States will maintain its military strength in Asia. Yet everyone noticed that Gates did not mention the threat of China’s military strength, which was a major departure from his speech at last year’s Shangri-La Dialogue.

This was actually the first of a string of high-level talks this year. The cooperative atmosphere started when Gates visited Beijing and continued when Chinese President Hu Jintao and the Chief of Staff Gen. Chen Bingde separately visited the United States. During the third round of the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, which was expanded to include senior military officials, both sides agreed that they would set up bilateral consultative machinery in Asia with a scope that not only includes U.S.-Chinese relations but also touches upon the security of all of Asia.

On the first day of the Shangri-La Dialogue, the U.S. secretary of defense and his Chinese counterpart held a meeting. They both expressed that the military relationship between the U.S. and China was on the right track, and both avoided bringing up a recent hacker attack on Google’s email accounts by hackers in Jinan, which was a sensitive issue. But everyone knows, in a few months, the real test of the relationship between America and China will be whether or not America announces a sale of F-16 jets to Taiwan.


香格里拉对话今年是第十年,这个由英国国际战略研究所(IISS)举办的论坛,形式上是非官方,却有新加坡国防部全力支持,每年参加的国防部长与情治首长越来越多,今年有三十五国参与,是亚太安全的年度盛会。
 论坛的目的在对话,就敏感的安全问题,或者直接或者间接对话,化干戈为玉帛,有全体大会的专题演讲,有不公开的分组座谈,更有许多会议室供两国国防首长私下会晤。
 但将近十年来,却有一个遗憾,中国始终拒绝派国防部长与会,因为中国刚开始觉得这象是个「亚洲NATO」的聚会,是在商议如何围堵中国,虽然与会,但层次很低,刚开始是学者,后来仅是国防部外事局局长率团。
 这也相对给了台湾官方参与的空间,本来这也是理所当然的,因为台海安全危机,台湾是重要的一方,应该被邀参加论坛,早期国安会副秘书长、国安局局长都曾经参加过,也曾在会议期间,与其它国家的国防首长举行双边会晤。
 但是到了后期,中国影响力上升,北京又坚持安全是主权行为,不愿意与台湾官方代表共处一堂,IISS为争取中国提高代表层次,于是逐步压低台湾的参与层次,最近两届,中国带团的提高到副总参谋长马晓天,台湾只有纯学者丁树范与刘复国参加。
 今年国防部长梁光烈终于首肯出席,代表这个论坛已达到成熟期,所有区域安全问题都可放在这个平台上被讨论,类似虽然也有由国家主办的「东协区域论坛」(ARF)或是东协与其对话伙伴的国防部长出席的论坛,范围都有局限,不像香格里拉对话这么受到瞩目。
 然而中国的全参与,也代表著中国自信提高,未来在安全问题的讨论上,中国会发挥决定议题的能力,这可从南中国海的争议看得出来。
 去年七月,河内召开的东协区域论坛年会时,越南首先针对中国对南中国海主张,提出批评,其后,陆续有十个国家发言呼应,美国国务卿希拉蕊更强调美国在南海也有利益,并且提出愿意介入协调中国与东南亚国家的主权纠纷。
 中国与东协虽然早在二○○二年就签订「南海各方行为宣言」,但近来中国投射军力大增,尤其是今年下半年新装修好的航母,就要下水,据说就是要部署在南海舰队,增强南中国海的军力,更让东协国家非常担心。
 香格里拉对话是地区国家国防首长参加的会议,对与中国有争议的东协国家来说,是个再好不过的申诉平台,今年开会前,越南与菲律宾都传出与中国发生领海主权争议。越南首先抱怨,五月廿六日三艘中国海监船撞毁了一艘在越南专属经济海域作业的油气探勘船,并且割断作业电缆,菲律宾也指称今年中国已经七度侵入海域,而且发现有中方船只在有争议的岛礁,卸下建筑材料,并竖立守望岗哨,菲国将正式提交联合国仲裁。
 在香格里拉对话前,越菲作态撒娇,并不是偶然的,但是这一回,美国的态度非常有保留,卅一日东亚助理国务卿坎贝尔在行前的专题演讲中表示,美国会私下与相关各方面积极沟通,不鼓励诉诸武力,而鼓励各方对话解决;美国太平洋司令威拉德谈南海冲突时,讲得更直接:「美国在冲突中不偏向任何一边」。
 听在东协国家耳中备感敏感刺耳的是,坎贝尔强调,美国对中国很清楚的承诺,愿意与中国在亚太地区合作,这是不是意味著,因为欧巴马政府未来十二年将削减国防预算高达四千亿美元,美国是否已经准备削减亚太军事部署,放弃与中国的对抗,而转为与中国「共治」亚洲?
 今年中国针对南中国海议题,也做了相应的弹性调整,提出区分为两大块的对话模式,一是专属经济海域重迭,涉及主权,应该由南海相关国家谈判,二是海域的国际水道、航权与国际救援,因涉及国际船舰航机的通行权,所以欢迎美、日等国的参与。
 美国当然不愿意东协国家产生「华盛顿已经放弃我们了」的印象,在国防部长盖兹演讲中,特别安抚说,会持续信守对亚太盟邦的安全承诺,并且会在亚洲维持坚强的军事力量,但是大家都注意到,盖兹并没有点明中国的军事威胁,这与他一年前在香格里拉对话中的演讲,有很大差别。
 这其实是今年初一连串高层会谈,所营造出来的气氛,先是国防部长盖兹访北京,接著是国家主席胡锦涛访问美国,总参谋长陈炳德访美,在期间举行的第三轮中美战略与经济对话,更扩大增加高层将领,双方同意建立起双边亚洲协商机制,范围不仅是中美双边关系,而是涉及整个亚洲的安全问题。
 在香格里拉对话的第一天,中美两国国防部长还举行会晤,两人均表示美中之间的军事关系正在朝正确的方向发展,大家都避免提近日Google被济南黑客入侵的敏感话题,但是大家都知道,几个月后,美国是否宣布出售F十六战机给台湾,才会是两国关系真正的考验。
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