Avoiding the Road to War

Published in Nara Newspaper
(Japan) on 16 May 2014
by Kazuaki Kitaoka (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Stephanie Sanders. Edited by Eva Langman.
As if the mindset toward peace and security in our country has done an about-face, the Abe administration is moving toward approval of the right to exercise “collective self-defense.” The thing I always wonder, although it is “collective,” is whether or not, bottom line, both Japan and the United States are at the core of it. It is clear that if the United States strengthens its stance on its Asia focus, and if tensions and conflict between the U.S. and other countries in this region deepen, the Abe administration could also cause Japan to take the plunge into military action.

The first thing that comes to mind with America’s post-World War II conduct in the Asia region is the Vietnam War. At that time, the United States cited not only a request from South Vietnam as the basis for military action against North Vietnam, but also the right to collective self-defense in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, and defense obligations under the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty.

How did this war end? In the end, the United States lost countless soldiers and barely escaped by the skin of its teeth. Naturally, American films dealing with the Vietnam War still continue to be remembered vividly. It’s worth noting that South Korea also deployed troops in this war. In a negative light, they were “following America blindly.” I think South Korea should also give these things as much consideration as possible.

Looking at Article 51 of the United Nations charter, it says “Nothing in the present charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security.”

Until now, our country has interpreted the “renunciation of war” referred to in Article 9 of the Japanese constitution as a prohibition on deploying military forces outside of our country’s territory. Because of this, it is considered impossible and unconstitutional for Japan to engage in normal joint defense with regions beyond our own territory. In other words, although the U.N. charter recognizes our “right” to collective self-defense, in reality it is impossible to exercise that right.

Is it OK to alter this interpretation or not? What is the essential issue with changing it?

It’s out of the blue, but I will cite the East Asia Local and Regional Government Congress initiative spearheaded and promoted by our Nara prefecture. The preamble of this assembly’s charter reads, “… The stable prosperity and progress of East Asia is predicated upon enhancing understanding, cooperation and partnership while respecting our diversities, fostered by the history and culture of our respective regions.” Based on this notion, we could set aside international issues, and plan collective self-defense and an Asia security treaty with China, South Korea and North Korea. After all, the keyword is “non-war.”


戦争への道回避を - 論説委員 北岡 和之
2014年5月16日 奈良新聞

 わが国の平和と安全に関わる考え方を一変させるような、安倍政権の「集団的自衛権」行使容認への動き。いつも疑問に思ってきたのは、「集団的」とはいっても要は日米両国間のことが中心ではないか、ということだ。安倍政権は、米国がアジア重視の姿勢を強め、この地域で米国と他国との緊張・対立が深まるようなら、わが国も日米関係を基に軍事行動に踏み切ることもあると明確にした。

 アジア地域での太平洋戦争後の米国の振る舞いということで、真っ先に思い浮かぶのはベトナム戦争だ。米国が当時の北ベトナムに対する軍事行動の根拠として挙げたのは、南ベトナム政府からの要請のほか、国連憲章第51条に基づく集団的自衛権と東南アジア集団防衛条約に基づく防衛義務だった。

 この戦争の“末路”はどうだったか。米国は多くの兵士を失ったあげく、命からがら逃げ出した。今もベトナム戦争を扱った米国映画が強く記憶に残り続けるのも当然だ。ついでに言えば、この戦争では韓国もベトナムに派兵。悪く言えば「米国の尻馬に乗っかって」だ。韓国も何度でも検証すればいいと思う。

 国連憲章第51条を見ると「国際連合加盟国に対して武力攻撃が発生した場合には、安全保障理事会が国際の平和及び安全の維持に必要な措置をとるまでの間、個別的又は集団的自衛の固有の権利を害するものではない」とある。

 わが国ではこれまで、憲法9条のいう「戦争の放棄」は、わが国の領域外への“兵力の派遣”は禁止されていると解釈。このため自国の領域以外の地域を含め、通常の共同防衛を約束するのは憲法違反になり、不可能だとみなされてきた。つまり、国連憲章でも集団的自衛の「権利」は認められているが、実際に行使するのは無理、というものだった。

 この解釈を変更していいのかどうか。変更することの本質的な問題は何か。

 唐突かもしれないが、わが県が主導して進めている「東アジア地方政府会合」の取り組みを挙げる。同会合の「奈良憲章」前文は「東アジアの今後の安定した繁栄と発展のためには、東アジア各地域の歴史と文化にはぐくまれた多様性を尊重しつつ、相互の理解と協力・連携を深める必要がある」とある。この考えに基き、国家間のことにも置き換えて中国や韓国、北朝鮮などとの集団的自衛、アジア安保条約を構想してもいいのではないか。キーワードはやはり「非戦」だ。
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Russia: Political Analyst Reveals the Real Reason behind US Tariffs*

Switzerland: Donald Trump: 100 Days Already, but How Many Years?

     

Taiwan: Making America Great Again and Taiwan’s Crucial Choice

Israel: Trump’s National Security Adviser Forgot To Leave Personal Agenda at Home and Fell

Austria: Trump’s Film Tariffs Hurt Hollywood

Topics

Canada: The Walls Are Closing in on Donald Trump’s Ramblings

   

Austria: Trump’s Film Tariffs Hurt Hollywood

Japan: Trump’s 100 Days: A Future with No Visible Change So Far

Mexico: EU: Concern for the Press

Austria: Musk, the Man of Scorched Earth

Germany: Cynicism, Incompetence and Megalomania

Switzerland: Donald Trump: 100 Days Already, but How Many Years?

     

Austria: Donald Trump Revives the Liberals in Canada

Related Articles

Japan: Trump’s 100 Days: A Future with No Visible Change So Far

Japan: US Administration Losing Credibility 3 Months into Policy of Threats

Japan: US-Japan Defense Minister Summit: US-Japan Defense Chief Talks Strengthen Concerns about Single-Minded Focus on Strength

Japan: Trump’s Tariffs Threaten To Repeat Historical Mistakes

Hong Kong: China, Japan, South Korea Pave Way for Summit Talks; Liu Teng-Chung: Responding to Trump