Ferguson Is a Symptom of America

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 26 August 2014
by Wu Zhenglong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jing Littlejohn. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
After the riots in Ferguson, a small town in Missouri, people can’t help but ask: Why have riots in Ferguson been fermenting for more than half a month, causing a state of emergency, requiring a curfew, and bringing in fully armed National Guard troops to maintain order? Why did people in many big cities such as New York, San Francisco, Los Angeles and Chicago erupt into protests to support the victim, a black teenager, Michael Brown? Does racial discrimination still exist even though blacks are professors, governors, congressmen, ministers and even president?

In fact, the shooting of Brown by a white police officer seems just the fuse that touched off over 10 years of anger and wrath buried inside of African-Americans and detonated a long accumulated racial, economic and social crisis.

Ferguson is a small town with a population of less than 20,000, a suburb of St. Louis. However, the demographic composition of this small town has experienced earthshaking changes within one generation. Prior to the 1990s, middle-class Caucasians were the dominant residents in town, constituting three-quarters of the population. However, since the 1980s, Caucasians had moved out of town gradually and migrated to seek a better life in the outer suburbs that have better living conditions and are far from big cities. In their place, a large amount of African-Americans moved in from big cities seeking to improve living conditions. Currently, African-Americans constitute two-thirds of the town’s population.

Great changes in the racial dynamic didn’t change the town’s “superstructure.” A strange phenomenon, “African-American city, Caucasian power,” was formed. Now, the mayor of Ferguson is Caucasian; six out of seven city council members are Caucasians; 50 out of 53 police officers are Caucasians; six out of seven school principals are Caucasians; etc. This small town is like an “independent kingdom” managed by a handful of Caucasians and doesn’t concern the weal and woe of African-Americans who moved into town. “Government of the people” is supposed to exist “for the people.” This hasn’t been the case in Ferguson, and this reality has intensified gradually.

At the same time of the “Great Migration,” American enterprises chased after maximizing benefits, and many industries outsourced overseas. This led to closures of factories and loss of job opportunities. Ferguson was decaying under the impact of this wave and became a “poor” town. Now, the median annual household income is $37,000, which is $10,000 lower than the average in Missouri. One-fourth of Ferguson’s residents are living below the poverty line. A large number of young people are unemployed and can’t find a job.

The impacts of the global financial crisis worsened the situation in Ferguson. According to reports, the number of people visiting food banks showed a substantial surge, with no observed declines for six years. Developing chances and reviving hopes always pass by this small town and leave this forgotten corner alone. Loss, frustration, despair and anger fill their hearts. Finally, these emotions exploded all at once, using Brown’s killing as a catalyst, like a big burning fire.

Actually, Ferguson is just an example of many small towns in the Rust Belt and all over the U.S. According to a research report published by the Brookings Institution last month, since 2000, the poverty growth rate in small cities and towns has grown at twice the rate than in big cities. More than half of about 46 million impoverished people in the U.S. live in the outskirts of cities and towns. Impoverishment of small cities and towns has become an important racial and social issue troubling America. This is also the reason for the wave of protests in big cities all over the nation after the occurrence of the Ferguson riots.

Due to improvements brought about by the civil rights movement, racial discrimination has decreased substantially. Apparent racial discrimination hasn’t been seen. However, various forms of visible or invisible racial discrimination are everywhere all the time. Prejudices such as suspicion, disbelief and distrust seem to be the mindset that white police officers follow. With such bias standing on duty, it seems to be natural that innocent African-Americans are shot by white police officers’ guns.

Two years ago, a neighborhood watch member shot and killed a teenager, Trayvon Martin, in Florida for being a “suspicious person.” After the incident, even President Obama said emotionally that what happened to Martin might have happened to him 35 years ago.

Racial issues are American social ills. Though the Ferguson riots tend to moderate, such events will not disappear. In contrast, they will happen continuously. Visible racial discrimination is easy to eliminate, but invisible racial discrimination is rooted in the mind, and concepts penetrate into subconscious behaviors. Many American generations’ persistent efforts might be needed to root out racial discrimination.

The author is a former ambassador, a current senior researcher at the China Foundation for International Studies, and a commentator for Huanqiu.net.


美国密苏里州小城弗格森骚乱发生后,人们不禁要问:何以弗格森骚乱持续发酵达半个月之久,又是宣布进入紧急状态,又是实施宵禁,还调动全副武装的国民警卫队来维持秩序?为什么纽约、旧金山、洛杉矶、芝加哥等全美许多大城市爆发声援被害黑人青年迈克尔·布朗示威游行?美国现在黑人可以当教授、州长、国会议员、部长乃至总统,难道还有种族歧视?

  事实上,布朗被白人警官达伦·威尔逊枪杀只是个导火索,点燃了黑人胸中被压抑数十年之久的愤懑和怒火,引爆了长期积累的种族、经济和社会危机。

  弗格森是位于圣路易斯市近郊的一个只有2万多人的小镇。然而,小镇人口构成在不到一代人时间里却发生了天翻地覆的变化。上世纪90年代之前,小镇居民以白人中产阶级为主,占人口总数的四分之三。但是从80年代开始,白人逐步搬离小镇,移居到居住条件更好、离大城市更远的远郊区。取而代之的是从大城市搬来、谋求改善居住条件的大批黑人,现在黑人占小镇人口总数的三分之二。

  虽然小镇种族构成发生了巨大变化,但是“上层建筑”却没有动,形成了“黑人小城,白人掌权”的怪现象。现在,弗格森镇长是白人、7名镇议员中6名是白人、53名警官中50名是白人、7名学校董事中6名是白人……小镇就象由一小撮白人管理的“独立王国”,对后来的黑人甘苦莫不关心。“民有”与“民享”严重脱节,矛盾自然不断激化。

  几乎在“种族大迁移”的同时,美国企业为了追逐利润最大化,大量产业外包海外,导致工厂倒闭,工作机会流失。弗格森在这股浪潮的冲击下日渐衰败,最终成了“贫困”镇。现在,中等家庭年收入为37000美元,比密苏里州平均水平低10000美元,全镇四分之一的人生活在贫困线之下。大批青年失业,找不到工作。

  全球金融危机对弗格森的打击更是雪上加霜。据媒体报导,光顾食品救济中心的人数大幅度飙升,6年来未见任何下降。发展的机会,复苏的希望总是与小镇擦肩而过,绕过了这个被人遗忘的角落。弥漫在人们心头的是失落、挫折、绝望和愤怒。这股情绪终于借着布朗被杀的契机,如熊熊燃烧的烈火集中爆发了。

  其实,弗格森小镇只是分布在“铁锈地带”乃至全美众多小镇当中的一个缩影。据布鲁金斯学会上月发表一份研究报告称,自2000年以来,美国小城镇人口中穷人增长的速度是大城市的两倍,全美约4600万穷人当中有一多半居住在近郊的小城镇。小城镇的贫穷化已成为当前困扰美国的重要的社会和种族问题。这也是为什么弗格森骚乱发生之后,抗议的声浪很快燎原到全美各大城市。

  不错,由于民权运动的推动,种族歧视在美国已大幅度减少,在明面上几乎看不到种族歧视的现象,但是,各种有形的或无形的种族歧视依然无时无处不在。如对黑人猜忌、怀疑、不信任等偏见似已成为白人警察的思维定势,带着这种偏见上岗值勤,自然会发生无辜的黑人倒在白人警察枪口下的血案。

  两年前,佛罗里达州社区协警开枪打死黑人青年马丁,其理由是马丁“形迹可疑者”。事发之后,奥巴马总统也不无感慨地说,如果回到35年前,马丁的遭遇也可能发生在自己身上。

  种族问题是美国社会的顽疾。虽然弗格森骚乱已趋缓和,但是这类事件不会销声匿迹,相反,还会不断发生。这是因为表象的种族歧视容易消除,而隐形的种族歧视,由于扎根于思想观念的深处,或者渗透到下意识的行为当中,要彻底的根除可能需要美国几代人锲而不舍的努力。(作者是前驻外大使,现任中国国际问题研究基金会高级研究员;环球网特约评论员)

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