The US Is Busy With Impeachment, How Can the World Just Look On?

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 19 December 2019
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Liza Roberts. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
On Wednesday, Dec. 18, the United States House of Representatives impeached President Donald Trump. This event gave the international community outside of the U.S. two strong impressions. First, the vote in the House of Representatives lined up almost entirely according to party. Only three members of the Democratic Party voted in opposition to impeachment, and all the others voted in favor. All members of the Republican Party voted to oppose impeachment. The second impression is that there is no hope that this impeachment will result in conviction by the Senate which has a Republican majority.

Among major Western capitalist nations, the United States has become the one that most frequently uses the tool of impeachment. Because individual resentments and partisan battles are deeply involved in the process, this practice has clearly brought about negative perceptions of Western-style democracy. This perspective has severely weakened the formerly held notion by some that impeachment in the United States was a just manifestation of democracy.

Trump’s impeachment was initially an internal matter, and it would have been fine for outsiders to simply look on at the excitement. But in fact, things are not this simple.

The leading figures of both the Democratic and Republican Parties have each presented completely opposite views of impeachment, both sounding grand, righteous and full of moral imperative. But underneath this appearance of righteousness there lies a political plot full of party secrets. Political hypocrisy has already been normalized and publicly promoted in the U.S., and no politician is ashamed of passionately making false statements for the sake of his or her personal interests.

It is entirely conceivable that these same politicians who are being criticized will be very adept when they apply their skills to international affairs. Promoting justice as a disguise for seeking profit is not only something many of these politicians are good at, but has, in fact, become a norm—a rule, even.

When Congress pushed for the passage of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act and the Uighur Human Rights Policy Act, when senior U.S. officials delivered a radical extreme speech on China policy, and when they pretentiously adopted an action that goes against China's interests, how can we expect the U.S. to truly follow international laws and norms? How can China expect any goodwill toward China-U.S. relations or the Chinese people?

The impeachment of President Trump is a reflection of the true face of American politics. The positive values of a Western-style democratic system have mostly been exposed, but the possibilities for polarization and other defects in the same system have been continuously demonstrated in recent years, and have rapidly expanded. What we see today is a U.S. that is becoming increasingly more extreme in both the domestic and international political spheres. Additionally, the politics of other major Western countries are showing varying degrees of a similar kind of “Americanization.”

The U.S. and other major Western countries have acted as the stabilizers of international order in the past, but now, constant polarization is turning these countries into new sources of unrest. American turmoil cannot be confined to its national borders; its spillover to the rest of the world is inevitable.

In this partisan battle over the impeachment of President Trump, we have clearly seen the stance of the U.S. media. The media’s views on foreign affairs also largely aligns with the performance of U.S. political parties. Everyone says the American media is very independent, but in reality, it is also politicized, and has moved farther and farther away from true neutrality and objectivity.

It is difficult to expect that such a politicized U.S. media will report about China in a rational, practical and realistic way. The idea of disregarding facts in favor of blindly supporting a political standpoint has permeated American politics with enough force to influence the American public’s attitudes toward China.

In order to deal with the U.S. despite its constant upheaval, the Chinese people must have more patience and be prepared to respond to all kinds of uncertainty. The volatility created by using international affairs to cope with domestic affairs will inevitably fall upon the United States. But the U.S. is the only global superpower. We have no choice but to respond to its challenges.


美国众议院星期三通过了对特朗普总统的弹劾条款,事情给美国之外国际舆论最强烈的感受有以下两点:第一,众议院的投票几乎完全按照党派划线,民主党众议员只有3人对弹劾条款投了反对票,其他全投赞成票,而共和党众议员全都投了反对票。第二,这一弹劾案在共和党占多数的参议院通过无望。

美国成为了主要西方资本主义国家中最频繁使用弹劾总统工具的国家,由于个人恩怨和党派斗争深度卷入这一游戏,它的示范显然带来了对西式民主制度的负面观感。这一观感严重削弱了之前一些人认为美式弹劾恰是“民主的一种表现”的认识。

对特朗普的弹劾本是美国的内政,外人看看热闹也就罢了,但事情并非如此简单。

民主党和共和党头面人物就弹劾案发表的截然相反的宣讲听上去都那么浩然正气,充满道义感,但这些表面的正义之下却包装着充满“党私”的政治谋算。政治虚伪已经在美国合法化、公开化了,没有哪个政治人物会因为了利益做慷慨激昂的虚伪陈述而感到羞愧。

完全可以想见的是,同是美国的这批政治人物,当他们将自己巧言令色的政治本领应用到对外关系中时,会多么娴熟。把利益谋算打扮成对正义的伸张不仅是他们当中很多人的拿手好戏,并且成为了一种习惯甚至规则。

当美国国会推动通过“香港人权与民主法案”“维吾尔人权政策法案”时,当美国高官发表内容激进、极端的中国政策演讲时,当他们以冠冕堂皇的名义采取一个侵害中国利益的行动时,我们怎么指望他们真的从国际法和公理出发,心怀对中美关系以及中国人民的善意呢?

对特朗普的弹劾案是美国政治真实面貌的一面镜子。西式民主体制的正面价值看来释放得差不多了,该体制可能极化的那些制度性缺陷这些年不断被激活,并且迅速膨胀。如今我们看到的是一个无论在国内政坛还是国际上都越来越“极端”的美国。而其他西方主流国家政治上也有不同程度上类似“美国化”的迹象。

美国等西方主要国家过去曾是国际秩序的稳定器,但政治上的不断极化正在把它们变成世界新的动荡源。美国的躁动不可能局限在它的国境内,它的向外溢出无可避免。

我们看到,在这场围绕弹劾特朗普的“党争”中,美国媒体的站队也很明显。而那些媒体的对外态度也与美国政党的表现高度同构。都说美国媒体很“独立”,但它们的实际表现又如此政治化、立场化,它们与真正的中立、客观越来越远。

很难指望这样的美国媒体在对华报道中展现出理性和实事求是精神,“不问事实,只认立场”正在渗透进整个美国的政治,它的惯性足以影响美国舆论的对华态度。

与内部不断经历疾风骤雨的美国打交道,中国人需要有更多耐心,也要有应对各种不确定性的准备。易变、用国际事务策应国内事务,这些难免在美国身上发生。而美国又是唯一超级大国。除了应对好来自美国的挑战,我们别无选择。
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