Israel: Between Fragilities and Dependencies
Published in Juventude Rebelde
(Cuba) on 15 April 2024
by Leonel Nodal (link to original)
(Cuba) on 15 April 2024
by Leonel Nodal (link to original)
Translated from
by Patricia Simoni.
Edited by Michelle Bisson.
The recklessness and adventurism of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in his move to escape the political, moral and military failure in Gaza by escalating the involvement of the U.S. in an unwanted war with Iran, succeeded only in revealing the colonial submission of the Zionist state to the warlike protection of Washington. And Washington is trying to reduce its political costs and the erosion of voter support for President Joe Biden, the Democratic incumbent seeking reelection.
“Don’t go there!” With those words — a dry and forceful order — Biden stopped Netanyahu in his tracks. And he said so publicly. Everyone heard and took note. That's it, not another step, the U.S. president told Prime Minister Netanyahu on Sunday. Full stop. At least for now and perhaps for a long time. The little game of war with Iran is over.
Two world-class blunders for the supposed superpower are enough. One more is out of the question. First, the White House had to assure Tehran that it had nothing to do with the April 1 aerial bombing of the Iranian Embassy compound in Damascus. An inconceivable "I didn't do it,” in the wake of the barbaric attack that brought down the consulate and resulted in the deaths of 16 people, among them seven Iranians, including two high-ranking generals of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard, advisers for several years to the Syrian government.
The Islamic Republic of Iran could not ignore such an assault that violated all norms of international and diplomatic law. Iran said so loud and clear. It demanded condemnation from the U.N. Security Council and the European Union, as well as a reprimand by the U.S. to its Israeli ally and protégé. Neither the U.N. — weakened by Washington's systematic boycott of any sanction or criticism of the Zionist regime — nor its Western allies lifted a finger or offered a critical word.
At that point, Ayatollah Khamenei, the highest authority of the Islamic Republic, decided to punish Israel accordingly. And that was when the arrogant West led by Washington, which serves and is served by Israel in its geostrategic policies and historical appropriation of natural resources in the Middle East, made a mistake.
The Iran of the popular Islamic Revolution that overthrew the pro-American dictatorial regime of Shah Reza Pahlevi in 1979 and defied the subsequent coup attempt by Jimmy Carter’s Democratic administration, ultimately costing him reelection, decided to put the aggressor in its place, and did so with both wisdom and force. So much so that Iran had the luxury of allowing the aggressor time to prepare its defense. “Fair play,” as it's known in sports.
Washington got the message. The Pentagon enlisted its resources to take on the Iranian counterattack. It mobilized Tel Aviv, France and Great Britain, which added their highest-level anti-aircraft defense resources to block damage from any possible strike.
Senior officials and the White House itself, in measuring the magnitude of the Iranian aerial counterattack, estimated there were more than 200 drones and long-range rockets. The incursion lasted several hours, and was long range and predictable. The White House said it involved the maximum number of drones, the ceiling of what they had predicted.
Iran’s unprecedented action — a free and independent decision to launch missiles and drones from its territory against Israeli military positions without depending on any other friendly or supposedly allied power — put its strength as a regional power to the test, as well as its historical prestige, derived from cultural influence over several centuries.
When the avalanche of drones and rockets toward Israel was identified, it became clear that the United States was in command in coordinating the defense, with Great Britain and France adding their resources.
Netanyahu sought an escalation of the war and he failed. As soon as Iran completed its counterattack and secured its objectives, Washington terminated the extensive and costly defensive operation mounted with its European allies.
The next step was a clear and public warning by Washington to the Israeli government not to even think about launching another operation under any pretext of retaliation.
“Don’t go there!” With those words — a dry and forceful order — Biden stopped Netanyahu in his tracks. And he said so publicly. Everyone heard and took note. That's it, not another step, the U.S. president told Prime Minister Netanyahu on Sunday. Full stop. At least for now and perhaps for a long time. The little game of war with Iran is over.
Two world-class blunders for the supposed superpower are enough. One more is out of the question. First, the White House had to assure Tehran that it had nothing to do with the April 1 aerial bombing of the Iranian Embassy compound in Damascus. An inconceivable "I didn't do it,” in the wake of the barbaric attack that brought down the consulate and resulted in the deaths of 16 people, among them seven Iranians, including two high-ranking generals of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard, advisers for several years to the Syrian government.
The Islamic Republic of Iran could not ignore such an assault that violated all norms of international and diplomatic law. Iran said so loud and clear. It demanded condemnation from the U.N. Security Council and the European Union, as well as a reprimand by the U.S. to its Israeli ally and protégé. Neither the U.N. — weakened by Washington's systematic boycott of any sanction or criticism of the Zionist regime — nor its Western allies lifted a finger or offered a critical word.
At that point, Ayatollah Khamenei, the highest authority of the Islamic Republic, decided to punish Israel accordingly. And that was when the arrogant West led by Washington, which serves and is served by Israel in its geostrategic policies and historical appropriation of natural resources in the Middle East, made a mistake.
The Iran of the popular Islamic Revolution that overthrew the pro-American dictatorial regime of Shah Reza Pahlevi in 1979 and defied the subsequent coup attempt by Jimmy Carter’s Democratic administration, ultimately costing him reelection, decided to put the aggressor in its place, and did so with both wisdom and force. So much so that Iran had the luxury of allowing the aggressor time to prepare its defense. “Fair play,” as it's known in sports.
Washington got the message. The Pentagon enlisted its resources to take on the Iranian counterattack. It mobilized Tel Aviv, France and Great Britain, which added their highest-level anti-aircraft defense resources to block damage from any possible strike.
Senior officials and the White House itself, in measuring the magnitude of the Iranian aerial counterattack, estimated there were more than 200 drones and long-range rockets. The incursion lasted several hours, and was long range and predictable. The White House said it involved the maximum number of drones, the ceiling of what they had predicted.
Iran’s unprecedented action — a free and independent decision to launch missiles and drones from its territory against Israeli military positions without depending on any other friendly or supposedly allied power — put its strength as a regional power to the test, as well as its historical prestige, derived from cultural influence over several centuries.
When the avalanche of drones and rockets toward Israel was identified, it became clear that the United States was in command in coordinating the defense, with Great Britain and France adding their resources.
Netanyahu sought an escalation of the war and he failed. As soon as Iran completed its counterattack and secured its objectives, Washington terminated the extensive and costly defensive operation mounted with its European allies.
The next step was a clear and public warning by Washington to the Israeli government not to even think about launching another operation under any pretext of retaliation.
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