Identity Politics Are Harmful to Democracy

Published in Lianhe Zaobao
(Singapore) on 23 February 2016
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Benjamin Kalman. Edited by Bora Mici.
In recent days, large-scale riots broke out in two of the world’s largest democracies. India, known as the biggest democratic nation, saw caste riots continue to escalate in the northern Haryana region of the capital, New Delhi. Despite the local government’s deployment of massive military strength and approval of the use of deadly force, the rebellion continues to escalate, and has even begun to affect the capital’s water supply. The region’s main ethnic group, the higher-caste Jat people, were unsuccessful in their push for civil service job placement quotas similar to those given to members of lower castes, resulting in several hundred casualties since the riots began.

In America, the “lighthouse” of democracy, thousands of Chinese community members from throughout greater New York gathered in Brooklyn’s Cadman Plaza to protest the guilty jury verdict in the case of Peter Liang. Liang, an ethnically-Chinese NYPD police officer, was charged with manslaughter and sentenced to 15 years after mistakenly killing a black man while on duty. After the announcement, the Chinese communities in over 40 cities and districts throughout the United States and Canada spoke out in solidarity, protesting judicial injustice and the discrimination of ethnic Chinese. A succession of police shootings of black youth by white officers have heightened tensions between the public and the police; as a result, the Chinese community believes that Peter Liang became a scapegoat in this political atmosphere.

These two events are similar in the way they came about and reflect increasingly significant issues with democracy — specifically that race, religion, social class, and specific value systems are unifying factors that can lead to the political mobilization of groups. The representative nature of democracy is set up so as to ensure that each societal interest is represented; through elections, representatives confer to reach compromises and to approach rational methods of distributing benefits. However, identity politics do not possess “normal” democratic representation; xenophobic tendencies are intensified in these situations, therefore serving to widen the divide between different interest groups.

The current relationship between the people and the police in the United States is extremely frail, especially since the shootings of young black men by white police officers have become a common occurrence. In 2015, the total number of black young adults killed in police shootings reached 1,134, an all-time high; the officers involved in many of these cases were never convicted. As such, Peter Liang’s case gave rise to outrage within the Chinese community in America. Regardless of the specifics of the case, the Chinese community’s response is indicative of highlighting identity politics; groups first take, and stand firm behind, a position before analyzing right and wrong. Peter Liang was convicted and became a symbol for the suffering of the Chinese community. As such, the community is rallying around the xenophobic persecution by the masses in order to protect its own identity.

In a similar way, the Jat people’s riot stemmed from feelings that their collective identity had been victimized. The Indian caste system is deeply rooted, and discrimination and persecution of lower castes are well-documented in the history books. After gaining independence from Britain, on the surface, the Indian government enacted laws abolishing the caste system, but the undercurrent of discrimination still permeates daily life. In order to help the lower castes improve their social status, the Indian government adopted quotas in universities and civil service positions to ensure education and job opportunities. However, this has given rise to discontent from members of higher castes, as they consider themselves to be the victims of reverse discrimination. The Jat riots have stemmed from this.

It’s easy to see that, both in the United States and India, identity politics have poisoned the local public culture of both societies. Accepted identity-politics groups are not convinced of social justice; they don’t believe that judicial or public power is impartial and is capable of guaranteeing their own benefits. Over time, the community continues to tear apart, making it increasingly difficult to achieve the mutual understanding required for basic democratic political compromise. The low efficiency of the U.S. Congress, calling into question the basic Hindu values of the Modi government — these are both negative consequences of identity politics. The result is a shortcoming of mutual trust; different communities become suspicious of one another, making it harder to collaborate and cooperate in settling problems, ultimately harming the public’s trust in the democratic system.

In this political environment, people no longer believe that they can rely on their own ability and efforts to achieve the returns that they deserve. This encourages people to resort to identifying with smaller groups, which are hostile to outsiders; in this way, a vicious cycle is created, causing democracy to lose legitimacy. If the ills of identity politics are inevitable in major democratic powers such as the United States and India, smaller, multi-ethnic, multireligious nations, such as Singapore, must be on alert. Whatever the context, holding up the common value system is the way to fight off identity politics. However, the many frailties are not easy to ignore, and the slightest mistake can cause a society to fall into the trap of identity politics. Strengthening common values systems and treating all citizens without discrimination are founding principles that need to be pushed.


世 界两个民主大国,近日都不约而同地爆发了大规模的示威抗议。号称最大的民主国家印度,首都新德里北部的哈里亚纳邦的种姓暴乱继续升级,尽管地方政府部署重 兵并发布格杀令,暴乱还是进一步升级,甚至严重影响了首都的水供。该邦主要族群、种姓地位较高的贾特人,要求与其他地位较低的种姓一样,在政府部门获得工 作职位配额不果,导致了至今伤亡数百人的暴乱。

以民主灯塔自居的美国,则因为纽约华裔警员梁彼得执勤时误杀一名黑人,遭陪审团宣布罪成,面 临15年监禁的重判,引发大纽约地区上万名华裔集中到布鲁克林卡德曼公园示威,美国和加拿大超过40个城市和地区的华人也同步示威,抗议司法不公,歧视华 裔。美国警民关系因为接连发生黑人青年被警察枪杀的案件而高度紧张,华裔社群相信梁彼得在这样的政治氛围里沦为替罪羔羊。

这两起事件在性质 上有相近之处,而且所反映的均是民主政治越来越显著的问题,那就是根据肤色、信仰、阶级、特定价值观等元素作为认同对象,并以此凝聚政治动员的能量。民主 的代议性质原本就有分辨不同社会利益的假设,通过选举各自的代表来进行磋商,取得妥协,以接近合理的方式分配利益。但是,认同政治却不具备一般的代表性, 而是有强烈排外倾向的政治连结,因而也更具分裂性。

美国警民互信如今极度脆弱,特别是白人警察枪杀黑人青年的事件屡见不鲜,2015年一年 内就有高达1134名黑人青年被杀,创下历史新高;但是并非所有涉案警察都被定罪。因此,梁彼得案件才引发美国华社的义愤。且不论案情细节为何,美国华裔 社群的反应,正是认同政治的典型表征——先看立场,后问是非。梁彼得被定罪,成为华裔社群受害者身份的象征。正因为自觉边缘弱势,容易被主流迫害,所以必 须团结排外,保护自身小团体的利益。

印度贾特人的暴乱,同样受到集体心理的受害者意识所蛊惑。印度种姓制度根深蒂固,对于低等种姓的歧视和 迫害历史班班可考。在脱离英殖民独立后,尽管表面上印度政府立法废除种姓制度,但种性歧视却依然在社会日常生活里暗流汹涌。为了帮助低等种姓改善社会地 位,印度政府采取为他们保留大学学额、公务员配额等教育和工作机会的方式。但是,这却造成高等种性不满这种反向歧视,自认是受害者。贾特人的暴乱正源于 此。

不难发现,无论是美国或印度,认同政治已经毒害了两地社会的公共文化。接受认同政治的群体不相信社会公义,甚至不认为司法或公权力能够 保障自身的公平与利益。长此以往,社会将越来越撕裂,也越来越难以取得民主政治妥协所需的基本共识;美国国会议事效率低下、印度莫迪政府被质疑是兴都基本 教义派,都是认同政治的恶果。这将造成社会缺乏互信,不同群体彼此猜忌,难以携手合作解决问题,最终伤害民众对民主体制的信心。

在这样的政 治环境里,人们也不再相信可以凭自己的能力和努力,得到应有的回报。这反而促使他们更诉诸于个别小团体的身份认同,敌视团体以外的人,如此恶性循环,民主 政治将丧失正当性。如果诸如美国、印度等民主大国都难免认同政治的危害,小国如新加坡就更应该有所警惕,特别是本地多元种族、多元宗教的现实。不论背景, 唯才是举的共同价值,是认同政治的天敌。但是,多元的脆弱性也不容忽视;稍有不慎,就会堕入认同政治的陷阱。强化共同价值观,对所有公民一视同仁,必须是 坚持不懈的立国原则。
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