Sino-U.S.-Taiwan Relationship Rises and Falls

Published in United Daily News
(Taiwan) on 12 April 2009
by Chen Xin Zhi (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Amy Przybyla. Edited by Bridgette Blight.
[United Daily News / Chen Xin Zhi / Associate Professor National Cheng Kung University department of political science (Tainan, Taiwan)]

2009.04.12 05:26 am

Thirty Years ago, in an unfavorable U.S.-China-Taiwan triangle situation, the Taiwan Relations Act was introduced. This, in turn, ensured Taiwan's security, political and economic interests. Following the recent China-U.S. trend of structural change in the coordination mechanism, influence on policies toward China and Taiwan will be an urgent matter for the future defense of Taiwan’s interests.

First, the change in relative power between the two strong powers, the U.S. and China, has caused the effectiveness of maintaining Taiwan’s interests through dependency on the U.S. to be weakened. Thirty years ago, the U.S. was the superior power. Taiwan has influenced America’s decision-making to compensate for the insufficient capabilities of Taiwan in the confrontation with mainland China. It could even be said that it is a diplomatic miracle in an unfavorable situation.

However, the U.S.-China power status has already undergone structural change. American goodwill toward Taiwan could possibly fail. Even if the U.S. starts to have favorable unilateral action with Taiwan, its result may fall short.

Second, China and the U.S. manage international crises together through the coordination mechanism, which has limited Taiwan to select the internationalization method, also reducing the possibility of maintaining its national interest.

Under the large country power coordinated mechanism, the international system has become the negotiation place, which works to compromise the conflicting interests among great powers. Therefore, the operational standard of International organizations is a representation of the coordinated consensus of great powers. It is not the forum for other countries to voice opinions or compete for their international status. It has become even more impossible to become the tool of creating international status for these smaller countries.

Third, Taiwan is located at the periphery between the U.S. and China’s influence zone. In the future, Taiwan will definitely become the topic that the U.S. and China use to define their respective influence zone and interests. In the discussion process, apart from strengthening leading power on these subjects, consolidating former U.S. policy-making influence, understanding China's underlining intentions, and developing the influence on China’s highest decision-making, it is one quite pragmatic and feasible direction.

Finally, at present China's political system matches the large country coordination mechanism. Both have very strong elite decision-making characteristics. Furthermore, one cannot neglect individual factors regarding the decision-making process and their role. In connection with the crucial limited policy-maker, (by Taiwan) creating influence on China's decision-making, this would reduce the possibility of the U.S. abandoning Taiwan, increase the transparency of the China-U.S. talks regarding the Taiwan issue, and would be even more helpful to safeguard Taiwan's overall political and economic interests under the U.S.-China coordination mechanism.

Along with the change in global power structures, as well as the Sino-U.S. coordination mechanism's formation, the developed achievement of safeguarding Taiwan’s survival also faces the serious challenge of systematic reform. When the U.S. and China handle international conflict with their specific mentality, constructing the policy for Taiwan’s future has already become the highest authorities’ most urgent topic.


美中消長 保台策略再轉型…

【聯合報╱陳欣之/成功大學政治系副教授(台南市)】 2009.04.12 05:26 am

卅年前台灣在不利的美中台局勢中,催生台灣關係法,確保台灣的安全暨政經利益。隨著近期中國與美國走向協調機制的結構性轉變,積極建構對中國對台政策的整體影響力,將是維護未來台灣整體利益的當務之急。

首先,美中兩強相對權力的改變,使得依附美國維持台灣利益的成效面臨被蝕化的危機。卅年前的美國仍享有權力優勢,台灣透過影響美國決策與利益設定,以彌補台灣與大陸對峙能量之不足,可謂是逆勢中的外交奇蹟。

不過美中相對權力地位已發生結構性改變,美國對台灣的善意固然有口惠實不至的可能,即使美國啟動對台有利的單邊作為,其成效亦可能大打折扣。

其次,中美透過協調機制共管國際危機,限縮台灣採行國際化手段,維繫國家利益的可能性。

在大國協調機制下,國際制度成為強權間折衝利益的競合場域,國際組織的運作規範,是列強協調共識的映照,而非一般國家發聲或是爭取地位的論壇,更不可能成為國家塑造國際地位的工具。

第三,台灣位處美中勢力範圍的邊緣地帶,未來台灣勢將成為美中界定彼此勢力範圍與利益的議題。在相關的協商暨討論過程中,除了強化對此議題的主導力,鞏固原有對美國的決策影響之外,瞭解中國的意圖暨底線,並且拓展對中國最高決策層的影響力,是一個比較務實而且可行的方向。

最後,目前中國的政治體制與大國協調機制相互契合,兩者均有很強烈的菁英決策特性,更不能忽視個人因素在決策過程中所扮演的角色。針對有限的關鍵性決策者,建構對中國決策的影響力,將可以降低台灣被美國背棄的可能,提高中美協商台灣議題的透明度,更有助於保障台灣在美中協調機制中的整體政經利益。

隨著全球權力格局的變化,以及中美協調機制的成形,保障台灣生存發展的作為,亦面臨制度轉型的嚴肅挑戰,當美中兩強對處理國際衝突有其特定思路之際,構思未來台灣的因應之道,已成為最高當局刻不容緩的課題。

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