Angela Merkel Campaignsin Washington
Published in Süddeutsche Zeitung
(Germany) on 21 June 2009
by Stefan Kornelius (link to original)
While the overtures made by the Social Democratic candidate for German chancellor were rebuffed in Washington, Chancellor Merkel has mutated into Obama’s favorite ally.
There’s another position still open in Washington. Wanted: the best ally in the European camp. When Angela Merkel meets with Barack Obama at the White House next week, she stands a very good chance of getting it.
The Chancellor morphed into most favored ally, possibly because her relationship with the German people, in general, and with the grand coalition, in particular, hasn’t been exactly free of complications, and it needs some intensive care. Until now, Merkel has been playing the lead role in The Runaway Bride: She acts coy and plays hard to get. But now she appears to have said “yes” to Obama, because she doesn’t want to be awarded the title Margaret Thatcher once bore in Washington: Madame No.
Merkel fell into this role, thanks to pure luck. The choice of elite, political personnel in Europe is, at present, limited. London’s Gordon Brown doesn’t make the cut, due to his own political problems; Nicolas Sarkozy left a far too deliberate and superficial image in Washington: He promises a lot, but doesn’t deliver.
So that leaves Merkel who, fortunately for her, shares a certain affinity with Obama. Both are recognized as political newcomers who emerged from minority backgrounds – he as an African-American, she as an East German female – and made it to the top. Merkel admires (and envies) Obama for his charisma. It would be so far, so good for Merkel, the tactician and domestic policy specialist, if she weren’t facing a re-election fight in September.
Her challenger, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, has also already begun his own campaign for Washington’s favor, with about as much chance for success as Nicolas Sarkozy, in the view of Obama’s advisors. Steinmeier’s “open letter” to Obama before his inauguration and his stated desire for a one-on-one meeting in the White House, rejected as unseemly, were clear indications that the campaign for German Chancellor had already reached Washington.
Merkel’s advantage is that she is already in office and can excuse any political hesitancy by saying she has to wait for the outcome of the next election. Whether it’s Afghanistan, NATO reform or accepting inmates from Guantanamo – Merkel says no to it all, although there may be a symbolic deal made on the inmate issue. Instead, she pushes the issues of ecological and financial market reforms. But on those, Obama could just send her packing.
Obama, who plays simultaneous chess games, won’t be able to win every match. He’s most likely to accept a draw on the climate issue. But Obama has other fish to fry. He wants Germany to take on more responsibility in Afghanistan, with NATO and in dealings with Russia and Iran. The United States is looking for a stronger ally, one more willing and enthusiastic. The deadline for a response will come immediately following the German elections, at the latest.
There’s another position still open in Washington. Wanted: the best ally in the European camp. When Angela Merkel meets with Barack Obama at the White House next week, she stands a very good chance of getting it.
The Chancellor morphed into most favored ally, possibly because her relationship with the German people, in general, and with the grand coalition, in particular, hasn’t been exactly free of complications, and it needs some intensive care. Until now, Merkel has been playing the lead role in The Runaway Bride: She acts coy and plays hard to get. But now she appears to have said “yes” to Obama, because she doesn’t want to be awarded the title Margaret Thatcher once bore in Washington: Madame No.
Merkel fell into this role, thanks to pure luck. The choice of elite, political personnel in Europe is, at present, limited. London’s Gordon Brown doesn’t make the cut, due to his own political problems; Nicolas Sarkozy left a far too deliberate and superficial image in Washington: He promises a lot, but doesn’t deliver.
So that leaves Merkel who, fortunately for her, shares a certain affinity with Obama. Both are recognized as political newcomers who emerged from minority backgrounds – he as an African-American, she as an East German female – and made it to the top. Merkel admires (and envies) Obama for his charisma. It would be so far, so good for Merkel, the tactician and domestic policy specialist, if she weren’t facing a re-election fight in September.
Her challenger, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, has also already begun his own campaign for Washington’s favor, with about as much chance for success as Nicolas Sarkozy, in the view of Obama’s advisors. Steinmeier’s “open letter” to Obama before his inauguration and his stated desire for a one-on-one meeting in the White House, rejected as unseemly, were clear indications that the campaign for German Chancellor had already reached Washington.
Merkel’s advantage is that she is already in office and can excuse any political hesitancy by saying she has to wait for the outcome of the next election. Whether it’s Afghanistan, NATO reform or accepting inmates from Guantanamo – Merkel says no to it all, although there may be a symbolic deal made on the inmate issue. Instead, she pushes the issues of ecological and financial market reforms. But on those, Obama could just send her packing.
Obama, who plays simultaneous chess games, won’t be able to win every match. He’s most likely to accept a draw on the climate issue. But Obama has other fish to fry. He wants Germany to take on more responsibility in Afghanistan, with NATO and in dealings with Russia and Iran. The United States is looking for a stronger ally, one more willing and enthusiastic. The deadline for a response will come immediately following the German elections, at the latest.
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