Tire Protectionism Shows the U.S. President Is Not Reliable

Published in Qingnianbao
(China) on September 18, 2009
by Wang Chong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Dan Stein. Edited by Christie Chu.
On September 11, U.S. President Barack Obama made a big statement. There was already a four percent tariff in place on Chinese tires. Obama then approved a new one, which over the next three years will be 35 percent, 30 percent, and 25 percent, respectively. In response, China’s Ministry of Commerce quickly announced it would start looking into whether America has been violating anti-dumping and anti-subsidy agreements for chicken and automotive parts.

On April 20, the American workers union United Steelworkers first started campaigning for this tariff. The fact that this group could have such a profound influence on the president reflects a large cultural difference between China and America.

After Obama made this decision, it created a furor among Chinese netizens*. They reacted strongly, heavily attacking Obama and ultimately feeling they had been betrayed. In the eyes of Chinese people, the U.S. president is the most powerful American, and truly has control over American policy. It’s not only netizens, but if you look at August reports from Chinese media experts, you’ll find that the media was almost completely optimistic that Obama would veto this tariff.

The hope that Obama would veto signifies how much confidence many Chinese, ordinary experts and netizens alike, had in the new U.S. president. Obama’s predecessor George W. Bush vetoed similar tariffs many times. The dynamic of Sino-U.S. relations hasn’t changed that much since Obama came into office, so most people naturally thought Obama would be against such protectionism. The logic here seems reasonable: If a country is good to the U.S., then relations between the two sides should automatically be taken care of, and cases like this will essentially resolve themselves.

In reality, this was wishful thinking on the part of Chinese people. In the end, Obama did not veto the tariff. This brings to mind U.S.-based author Lin Da’s book “The President Is Unreliable.” While you can please the president, it’s impossible to please all Americans. In the U.S., the president is influenced and constrained by an endless number of special interest groups. He constantly faces challenges from Congress and indiscriminate attacks by the media. Even worse, if the president’s courage and power are at odds, then he could be assassinated, which has already happened several times in American history.

Therefore, it becomes clear that the American president is not omnipotent. It’s also apparent that Obama is not fully responsible for the protectionism inherent in this tire tariff. The American trade representative office has assembled a group of conservative trade protectionists, and representatives on Capitol Hill have been looking eagerly to see whether or not Obama will “surrender” to China.

The United Steelworkers, who fully supported Obama during his presidential campaign, are also eagerly anticipating the president’s next move. Whether or not Obama is an advocate of free trade or wants to provoke China is actually inconsequential here. Because of the powers that be and the forces influencing the president, he was really not able to veto this bill.

Experts in China believe that in addition to confidence in the U.S. president, political atmosphere is also very important. This is another area where Chinese and American culture differs. Chinese people put a lot of emphasis on principles, atmosphere, and on the big picture; whereas Americans put emphasis on reality, interests, and on specific analysis. In China, it would be ideal to reach an agreement with the U.S. in relaxed way. China would probably be willing to make concessions, but when the atmosphere is tense it’s more difficult. Even if the issue was originally a simple one, a bad atmosphere will generally make it more complicated. In America, it would not be like this.

At the end of July, Sino-U.S. strategic and economic talks were going very smoothly. The American side was very respectful toward China, albeit in part because America’s economic recovery heavily relies on China’s support. Also, since Obama has been in power, there has been steady development in Sino-U.S. relations.

Upon first glance, it really seemed that Obama would veto any protectionist laws passed. But America’s logic is different, as a specific problem calls for a specific analysis. The big strengths and larger picture of Sino-U.S. relations is not the affairs of the American trade representative office. Instead, its task is to complete its own duties and affairs. Looking at specific affairs, even the president can not get around their interference.

This case of protectionism reflects a difference in how China and the U.S. deal with their affairs. Americans do things with a bit of a “cowboy” flair, and since the September 11 attacks, they have engaged in two wars, seemingly without remorse. But China, with its motto of taking orders and being obedient, is accustomed to using diplomacy before resorting to force.

This protectionist tire case started on April 20, and it took four and a half months to get Obama’s approval. China’s Ministry of Commerce responded, saying they were in the process of investigating charges that the United States has violated anti-dumping and anti-subsidy laws with its car and chicken product imports. If in America they investigate Chinese tires, the Ministry of Commerce insisted it would investigate anti-dumping charges of chicken products. The mentality may be “an eye for an eye,” or perhaps to deter America from taking such actions again.

There is another difference we need to mention. Americans do not like to be roundabout, and their opinion about Chinese tires being subject to tariffs for three years is very clear cut. On the other hand, Chinese measures are generally more ambiguous. Rumor has it that China’s anti-dumping investigation may be trade retaliation behavior. It very well could be, but the Ministry of Commerce has made clear that its investigations are based on facts. The reason they didn’t start the investigations previously was because of the Chinese concept of “face.” It was because of this that China initially kept a low profile about the automotive and chicken products. It was to give the other side face.

Even though Obama added these tariffs, it doesn’t seem that his intent was to provoke China, nor was it to quell free trade. What we need to learn from this is that right now, understanding between China and the U.S. needs to deepen. Fundamentally, both sides need to determine what the other can tolerate. This protectionism may cause increased tensions between the two countries, but it does not need to give rise to an all-out trade war.

*Editor's Note: Netizens are citizens who frequently use the outlet of the internet to express their opinions.


9月11日,美国总统奥巴马作出了最终裁定:在现在征收4%关税的基础上,在接下来的三年中,美国将分别对出口美国的中国轮胎征收35%、30%和25%的关税;中国商务部随即宣布,对原产于美国的部分进口汽车产品和肉鸡产品启动反倾销和反补贴立案审查程序。

  从2009年4月20日美国钢铁工人联合会提起此事到作出最终裁决,这个博弈过程中的点点滴滴、各方的反应,反映出中美两国在文化上的巨大差异。

   奥巴马作出裁定后,中国的网民立即作出激烈反应,把矛头指向奥巴马,认为他“背信弃义”。因为在中国人眼中,美国总统就是美国权力最大的人,他可以改变 美国的政策。不仅是网民,如果你翻看整个8月份中国媒体刊载的相关专家分析,你就会发现中国的专家对特保案相当乐观,大都认为奥巴马会对特保案予以否决。

   当把希望寄托于总统的否决时,意味着对美国总统的信任,也意味着主动权的丧失。奥巴马的前任布什总统曾多次否决特保案例,而奥巴马执政以来中美关系没有 大起大落,于是中国各界想当然地认为奥巴马会否决特保案,这里面的逻辑看似合理:搞定了美国的总统,双边关系也自然而然就搞定了,特保案这样的“小事”也 就迎刃而解。

  其实,这只是中国人的一厢情愿。这次奥巴马总统没有否决特保案,倒应了旅美作家林达的一本书的书名——《总统是靠不住 的》。搞定美国总统,无法搞定美国的一切。在美国,总统要受各个利益集团的影响和掣肘,要面对国会议员们的监督和各大媒体的狂轰滥炸。更有甚者,总统如果 胆敢和某些强大势力作对,还可能会遭遇暗杀,这已经在美国历史上多次上演。

  所以,美国总统不是万能的,具体负责特保案的美国贸易代表 办公室聚集了一群保守的贸易保护主义者,国会山上的一批议员也瞪大眼睛看着奥巴马是否会向中国“投降”,鼎力支持奥巴马竞选的美国钢铁工人联合会也翘首企 盼总统出招。这个时候,不管奥巴马是否愿意挑衅中国,不管他是不是自由贸易者,都无法逆势予以否决。

  中国专家的乐观估计除了对美国总 统的信任,还有对氛围的过度看重,这也是中美文化之间的差别所在。中国人讲究原则、讲究氛围、讲究整体,而美国人讲究实际、讲究利益、讲究具体分析。同样 的一件事,在我们这边,中美关系氛围好时可以轻松达成协议,可以适当地让步;可氛围不好时就难度加大,即使本来十分简单的事情,也会变得很复杂。可在美国 那边就不会这样。

  具体到特保案,中方专家的逻辑是,7月底的中美战略与经济对话顺利进行,美国给予中方“超级礼遇”,美国经济的复苏 仰仗中国的支持,奥巴马执政以来中美关系平稳发展,从所有这些宏观因素中得出了奥巴马会否决特保案的结论。可美国人的逻辑呢,一事一议,具体问题具体分 析,丁是丁,卯是卯。中美关系的大势和整体,不是美国贸易代表办公室的事务,它的任务就是完成自己的分内之事,在具体事务上,连总统也不能过多干涉。

   特保案还反映出中美处事方法的不同。美国人做事是牛仔风格,猛冲猛打,“9•11”事件一发生,连打两场战争,毫不客气。可中国呢,秉承性本善理念,习 惯于先礼后兵。特保案始于4月20日,到奥巴马批准足有4个半月的时间。中国商务部的反应是“对原产于美国的部分进口汽车产品和肉鸡产品启动了反倾销和反 补贴立案审查程序”。如果在美国对中国输美轮胎进行调查期间,我们就对美国的肉鸡产品进行反倾销调查,以牙还牙,或许能威慑对方,取得不一样的结果。

   还有一点差异需要提及。美国人不爱拐弯抹角,对中国的轮胎征收三年的惩罚性关税,白纸黑字,立场鲜明,而中国的反制措施则温文尔雅,市场传言说启动反倾 销审查可能是贸易报复行为,但商务部表示,这两项措施都是按照反倾销、反补贴条例的相关规定,以事实为依据作出的一个决定。这说明中国人做事低调、不张 扬,总是给对方留面子,这是中国文化的特质。与此同时,奥巴马也表明特保案不是挑衅中国,不是贸易保护主义。这说明,中美之间对彼此了解程度加深,基本知 道对方可接受什么,可容忍什么,特保案的短兵相接未必引发贸易战。
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